Results for mechanization translation from English to Hindi

mechanization
यान्त्रिकीकरण

national policy on farm mechanization
कृषि तंत्रीकरण पर राष्ट्रीय नीति

mechanization of hazardous manufacturing processes
परिसंकटमय विनिर्माणप्रक्रियाओं का मशीनीकरण

there is no separate national policy on agricultural mechanization .
कृषि तंत्रीकरण पर अलग से कोई राष्ट्रीय नीति नहीं है ।

the government promotes agricultural mechanization with the following goals in mind
सरकार नीचे लिखे लक्ष्यों को ध्यान में रखते हुए कृषि तंत्रीकरण को बढ़ावा देती है ।

more significantly , mechanization has enormously increased farm efficiency and productivity .
अधिक महत्वपूर्ण रूप से , यंत्रीकरण ने खेती की क्षमता और उत्पादनशीलता को बहुत हद तक बढ़ा दिया है ।

agricultural mechanization should lead to a reduced cost of production of agricultural commodities .
कृषि तंत्रीकरण के फलस्वरूप कृषि जिंसों के उत्पादन की लागत में कमी आनी चाहिए ।

the benefits available will be for improving silkworm seeds base and for mechanization of the sector .
लाभ रेशम के कीड़ों के बीज बेहतर करने तथा क्षेत्र के मशीनीकरण के लिए होंगे ।

promotion and strengthening of agricultural mechanization through training , testing and demonstration in rural areas
प्रशिक्षण , परीक्षण और प्रदर्शन के माध्यम से कृषि यंत्रीकरण का विस्तार और सुदृढ़ीकरण

the operation of indian railways has undergone a sea change with block rake movement along with mechanization of goods handling .
भारतीय रेल परिचालन में ब्लाक रेक मुवमेंट के साथ साथ माल संचालन के यंत्रीकरण से अपार परिवर्त्तन हुआ है ।

mechanization which is the outstanding characteristic of agriculture in late 19th and 20th century , has eased much of the backbreaking toil of the farmer .
यंत्रीकरण १९वीं शताब्दी के अंत और २०वीं शताब्दी की एक उत्कृष्ट विशेषता थी जिसने कृषक की बहुत सारी कमरतोड़ मेहनत को आसान बना दिया है ।

agricultural mechanization should lead to a sustainable increase in yields and cropping intensity with the objective of meeting the planned rate of growth in agricultural production and maintaining it .
कृषि तंत्रीकरण के फलस्वरूप उत्पाद एवं फसल उत्कृष्टता में स्थायी तौर पर वृद्धि होनी चाहिए जिसका लक्ष्य कृषि उत्पादन में वृद्धि की नियोजित दर को प्राप्त करना तथा इसे बनाए रखना है ।

agricultural mechanization should create a worker friendly environment especially for women workers by lessening hard labour , health hazards and improve safety in production operations .
कृषि तंत्रीकरण के माध्यम से कठोर श्रम , उत्पादन कार्यों के दौरान स्वास्थ्य खतरे को कम करके एवं सुरक्षा में सुधार करके विशेष रूप से महिला कार्यकर्ताओं के लिए कार्यकर्ता अनुकूल वातावरण तैयार किया जाना चाहिए ।

i have drawn attention to some broad , glaring facts to show that the way to take work to the villagers is not through mechanization but that it lies through revival of the industries they have hitherto followed .
मैंने सहज ही नजर में आने वाली जो कुद मोटी - मोटी बातों की तरफ यहां ध्यान खींचा है , उसका उद्देश्य यही है कि अगर ग्रामवासियो को कुछ काम देना है तो वह यंत्रों के द्वारा संभव नहीं ।

farm mechanization , linking farms with markets and adding value at each stage will help in employment generation , entrepreneurship development , increased profits to farmers and safe and healthy food to consumers .
कृषि के यंत्रीकरण , खेतों को मंडियों से जोड़ने और प्रत्येक स्तर पर मूल्य संवर्धन करने से रोजगार में वृद्धि , उद्यमिता विकास , किसानों को अधिक फायदा तथा उपभोक्ताओं को सुरक्षित और स्वस्थ भोजन मिलने में मदद मिलेगी ।

intensive mechanization and use of new technology has driven production to high levels . despite a subdued performance in recent years , coal production was estimated at 492 million tonne and iron ore at 133 million tonne in 2013 - 14 .
गहन यंत्रीकरण तथा नई प्रौद्योगिकी के प्रयोग से उत्पादन उच्च स्तर पर होने लगा है । हाल के वर्षों में प्रदर्शन में गिरावट के बावजूद2013 - 2014 में कोयला उत्पादन के 492 मिलियन टन तथा लौह अयस्क के 133 मिलियन टन होने का अनुमान था ।

googal translate engby daniel a. rosenblum 2013, vol. 5 no. 10 | pg. 2/4 | « » cite references print 5 before the streets: livelihoods in rural bihar the children of rural bihar are connected with the rest of india unlike any other time in history. in the district town of sitamarhi, a place that sits some twenty miles from the nepal border, the skyline is littered with cell phone towers. on the streets below, walkways are filled with mud, trash, and cow dung. passersby trough through the mess to buy flee-bitten mitahi (sweets) and the sweltering fruits at nearby stands. for the children of sitamarhi, they live in this contrast—the severe juxtaposition of “modernity”3 and urbanization with the dilapidated infrastructure surrounding them. the villages within five miles of the district town scarcely receive electricity, prompting me to wonder how anyone with a cell phone was able to recharge their phones.4 the villages i spent the majority of my time in, amritpur and baksampur5, gave insight into the livelihoods of children in rural bihar. in amritpur, every corner and passageway of the village had more and more children. at times, it would seem the ratio of children to adults was ten to one. many of these children had prominent signs of malnutrition: kwashiorkor, stunned growth, and slowly healing infections (bhutta, black, cousens, & ahmed, 2008; som, pal, & bharati, 2007). one boy of about twelve, deepak, had a nasty infection on his lower leg that continued to worsen over the week i visited. however, there was no formal doctor in the village, only someone trained in basic medical practices. he would have to go to sitamarhi town to be given medicine, which would cost too much money for deepak’s mother. this was a problem all too common for children of rural bihar. school quality and attendance throughout sitamarhi district was quite mixed. a government school i visited in amritpur was highly understaffed, lacking proper materials and facilities, and seemed more of a social gathering point for youth. children would sit along the walls with other classmates drawing, talking, and laughing while the teachers and administrators sat near the entrance splitting their time between socializing and supervising. when we arrived, the teachers began to complain of uneven wage scales and low salaries, providing this as a link for chaos at the school. however, another school we visited in baksampur, which was run entirely by women, had sufficient materials, was properly staffed, and seemed to be extremely beneficial for the students. in both cases, there were noticeably tensions between attending school and working at home. especially for older children, many would work in the mornings, helping to transplant rice, and then check into school for the second half of the day. in some cases, children would stop attending school entirely in order to help at home, such as with the case of a lower caste girl in baksampur, hoja.6 pressure to earn began to outweigh the importance of schooling as the children grew older, leading to the abandonment of education in order to help the family. the livelihoods of bihari youth were rapidly transforming, surrounded by new “modern” pursuits and desires within a rural structure and community. lunch at an amritpur government school lunch photo credit: khushboo jain tracking agricultural transformations bihar’s agricultural history is extremely complex, wrapped among transforming government policy, development, and increasing mechanization of the agrarian system. prior to the green revolution taking hold in bihari agriculture, there was a structure of landholding: the zamindar system, established under the british raj. the system’s abolishment, however, is what i wish to focus on, in terms of the uneven effects it had on rural villages, landholdings, and landlessness. the zamindari was a system of landholding that consolidated fields in the hands of powerful village elites. for bihar, this meant most of the land fell in the hands of upper caste hindus (chaudhry, 1988). peasants were then typically tied to the land, working for the grain they produced, while remaining landless themselves. in the late 19th century, however, bihar began to feel the effects of commercialism, beginning a process of out-migration from both the zamindar and lower class populations. in the chapra region at the beginning of this century, upper castes had to resort to occupations other than agriculture. rajputs, an upper caste group, went out for ‘service’ along with lower class individuals, becoming “peons and durwans in estates of larger zamindars” (de haan 2002:120). out-migration existed in high numbers during the zamindari system for both landowners and lower caste laborers, yet the economic gaps between landowners and lower class, as well as the frequency of migration seemed to increase after the foundation of india and the subsequent abolishment of the colonial landholding system.lish to hindi
by daniel a. rosenblum 2013, vol. 5 no. 10 | pg. 2/4 | « » cite references print 5 before the streets: livelihoods in rural bihar the children of rural bihar are connected with the rest of india unlike any other time in history. in the district town of sitamarhi, a place that sits some twenty miles from the nepal border, the skyline is littered with cell phone towers. on the streets below, walkways are filled with mud, trash, and cow dung. passersby trough through the mess to buy flee-bitten mitahi (sweets) and the sweltering fruits at nearby stands. for the children of sitamarhi, they live in this contrast—the severe juxtaposition of “modernity”3 and urbanization with the dilapidated infrastructure surrounding them. the villages within five miles of the district town scarcely receive electricity, prompting me to wonder how anyone with a cell phone was able to recharge their phones.4 the villages i spent the majority of my time in, amritpur and baksampur5, gave insight into the livelihoods of children in rural bihar. in amritpur, every corner and passageway of the village had more and more children. at times, it would seem the ratio of children to adults was ten to one. many of these children had prominent signs of malnutrition: kwashiorkor, stunned growth, and slowly healing infections (bhutta, black, cousens, & ahmed, 2008; som, pal, & bharati, 2007). one boy of about twelve, deepak, had a nasty infection on his lower leg that continued to worsen over the week i visited. however, there was no formal doctor in the village, only someone trained in basic medical practices. he would have to go to sitamarhi town to be given medicine, which would cost too much money for deepak’s mother. this was a problem all too common for children of rural bihar. school quality and attendance throughout sitamarhi district was quite mixed. a government school i visited in amritpur was highly understaffed, lacking proper materials and facilities, and seemed more of a social gathering point for youth. children would sit along the walls with other classmates drawing, talking, and laughing while the teachers and administrators sat near the entrance splitting their time between socializing and supervising. when we arrived, the teachers began to complain of uneven wage scales and low salaries, providing this as a link for chaos at the school. however, another school we visited in baksampur, which was run entirely by women, had sufficient materials, was properly staffed, and seemed to be extremely beneficial for the students. in both cases, there were noticeably tensions between attending school and working at home. especially for older children, many would work in the mornings, helping to transplant rice, and then check into school for the second half of the day. in some cases, children would stop attending school entirely in order to help at home, such as with the case of a lower caste girl in baksampur, hoja.6 pressure to earn began to outweigh the importance of schooling as the children grew older, leading to the abandonment of education in order to help the family. the livelihoods of bihari youth were rapidly transforming, surrounded by new “modern” pursuits and desires within a rural structure and community. lunch at an amritpur government school lunch photo credit: khushboo jain tracking agricultural transformations bihar’s agricultural history is extremely complex, wrapped among transforming government policy, development, and increasing mechanization of the agrarian system. prior to the green revolution taking hold in bihari agriculture, there was a structure of landholding: the zamindar system, established under the british raj. the system’s abolishment, however, is what i wish to focus on, in terms of the uneven effects it had on rural villages, landholdings, and landlessness. the zamindari was a system of landholding that consolidated fields in the hands of powerful village elites. for bihar, this meant most of the land fell in the hands of upper caste hindus (chaudhry, 1988). peasants were then typically tied to the land, working for the grain they produced, while remaining landless themselves. in the late 19th century, however, bihar began to feel the effects of commercialism, beginning a process of out-migration from both the zamindar and lower class populations. in the chapra region at the beginning of this century, upper castes had to resort to occupations other than agriculture. rajputs, an upper caste group, went out for ‘service’ along with lower class individuals, becoming “peons and durwans in estates of larger zamindars” (de haan 2002:120). out-migration existed in high numbers during the zamindari system for both landowners and lower caste laborers, yet the economic gaps between landowners and lower class, as well as the frequency of migration seemed to increase after the foundation of india and the subsequent abolishment of the colonial landholding system.