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Teaching Hours. Any teacher engaged in actual classroom instruction shall not be required to render more than six hours of actual classroom teaching a day, which shall be so scheduled as to give him time for the preparation and correction of exercises and other work incidental to his normal teaching duties: Provided, however, That where the exigencies of the service so require, any teacher may be required to render more than six hours but not exceeding eight hours of actual classroom teaching a day upon payment of additional compensation at the same rate as his regular remuneration plus at least twenty-five per cent of his basic pay.
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the duty if the state is to make the economy a system for free and private enterprise with the least government intervention in business affairs to create and maintain an environment that sustain healthy business competition..
ang tungkulin kung ang estado ay ay upang gawin ang ekonomiya ng isang sistema para sa libre at pribadong enterprise na may hindi bababa interbensyon ng pamahalaan sa mga gawain sa negosyo upang lumikha at mapanatili ang isang kapaligiran na sang-ayunan ang malusog na kumpetisyon sa negosyo ..
Subject: Social Science
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The role of accounting in enabling strategic corporate social responsibility: A functionalist, critical and post-modern reading of a case study
Corporations around the world are developing their own strategic approaches to address important social and environmental issues in ways that will yield them financial and competitive advantage. This thesis explores how a large packaging company, PackCo, developed its own strategic approach to corporate social responsibility (CSR) and explores the role of accounting in this pursuit. The qualitative case study research consisted of some 30 interviews with PackCo managers, conducted over a three year period. The case is analysed through three very different research paradigms: a functional/managerial analysis; a critical analysis; and a post-modern analysis. The functional analysis draws upon Simons’ ‘levers of control’ framework to explore how PackCo used accounting and associated management control systems to enable strategic CSR. It explores how performance metrics, operating procedures and strategy documents were integrated within PackCo to enable a set of environmental initiatives that were both socially responsible and profitable. The critical analysis explores some of the unintended consequences of these environmental initiatives, which were revealed through a survey of PackCo staff attitudes to corporate responsibility. The causes of staff discontent, as revealed by the survey, and the interpretation and response of management to these, are traced back to the intense, and at times brutal, pressure for enhanced financial performance to which both staff and management were subject. The post-modern analysis of the case material explores CSR as a form of socio-ideological control. Rather than accounting enabling CSR, here CSR is argued to effect an ethical framing of managerial work at PackCo, which, for some managers at least, gave greater moral licence to their aggressive pursuit of profit. The thesis concludes with a discussion of the contrasts, conflicts and insights offered by these three different readings of strategic CSR and its relationship to accounting.
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In a faraway land named LA-J4, there exist three great tribes who are competing for power and who aspire of ruling the whole kingdom. 11111 is the most powerful of them. They are known for their bravery and greatness in battle. They occupy most of the plains in LA-J4. The other one, 22222, is famous for blacksmith. They live peacefully at the very heart of the forest making fine metals, weapons and armory. Moreover, most of the traders in the kingdom came from their tribe. The least powerful tribe is 33333. They reside in the mountains. Although, they are known to be experts in making potions and concoctions, people in the kingdom do not trust them completely because they live in seclusion and seldom do they get along with other people outside their tribe.
One day, a sad news spread across the land as the leader of 11111 tribe was poisoined during the annual feast of the tribe. Along with that, a lot rumors have also spread as to who the culprit of the crime is. Because of what has happened, the 11111 tribe was enraged and wanted to seek revenge. Few weeks after that dreadful incident, while the 22222 tribe is busy preparing for the celebration of their tribe’s yearly tradition, a group of armored men attacked them. The supposedly blissful celebration has turned into fearful mass killings. The armored men furiously killed all the people in the tribe. Men, women, children, and elders were murdered mercilessly. Houses were burned leaving the tribe with no glory and honor but only ashes and dead bodies. The 33333 tribe led by Alfonzo delata Castilla came to aid them, but it was too late already. However, it seems like a miracle that a 7-year old girl has survived that terrible and violent event.They found her crying and very afraid. Her name is Fei-Tah, the daughter of the tribe’s master. She was able to escape the horror, hid in the forest, and helplessly watched her tribesmen being killed one by one. 33333 tribe adopted her and treated her like one of them. In her new tribe, she met Xylan, the son of Alfonzo, who became her closest friend. They grew up together. Fei Tah told Xylan with conviction that one day she will take revenge for her tribe. She spent all her life training in the art of battle and since she came from a tribe known for blacksmith she wanted to create the best weapon that would bring down the 11111 tribe, the tribe that killed her tribesmen.
13 years after, with the help of Xylan, they made Leo Collantes, a cyborg and their strongest weapon. At last her most awaited day of revenge has come. With all their might, they attacked the 11111 tribe. The battle went on for several days until the fortresses of the 11111 tribe had fallen one by one. Leo Collantes indeed is a great help to the tribe. Eventually, the forces of 11111 tribe had weaken and for that they decided to surrender, together with their commander. Alfonzo asked the commander to kneel before him as a sign of respect to the most powerful man and the new ruler of LA-J4. He called Fei Tah and gave her a sword so that she could finally fulfil her promise of revenge for her tribe. When she was about to kill the commander, a 7-year old girl ran towards her. She was crying and begging Fei Tah to spare the life of her father. Then suddenly, as if a flashback, she saw herself in that child years ago. She felt pity for the child and decided to put down the sword. Alfonzo was not happy about what Fei Tah did so he grabbed the sword from Fei Tah’s hand and struck it through the leader’s heart. Fei Tah was shocked as she saw the body of the commander fell to the ground. After that, Alfonzo pointed the sword to Fei Tah and admitted everything that he did. He revealed that he was the one responsible for the death of 11111 tribe’s leader. He made a concoction, a potent poison and hired someone to mix it to the drink of the tribe’s leader during the feast. He is also the one who spread the rumors that 22222 tribe was the culprit of the crime that’s why 11111 tribe was infuriated and attacked Fei Tah’s tribe. Alfonzo did all these because of his ambition to rule the land and to make known to everyone his tribe. Finally, he was able to achieve his dream. After revealing everything, he attacked Fei Tah but before he could reach her, a sword pierced through his body from behind. He fell to the ground and saw that it was Leo Collantes, the cyborg, who was commanded by his own son, Xylan. At last Fei Tah was able to avenge her tribe and from then on, peace in LA-J4 was finally restored.
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The policeman on the beat moved up the avenue impressively. The impressiveness was habitual and not for show, for spectators were few. The time was barely 10 o'clock at night, but chilly gusts of wind with a taste of rain in them had well nigh depeopled the streets.
Trying doors as he went, twirling his club with many intricate and artful movements, turning now and then to cast his watchful eye adown the pacific thoroughfare, the officer, with his stalwart form and slight swagger, made a fine picture of a guardian of the peace. The vicinity was one that kept early hours. Now and then you might see the lights of a cigar store or of an all-night lunch counter; but the majority of the doors belonged to business places that had long since been closed.
When about midway of a certain block the policeman suddenly slowed his walk. In the doorway of a darkened hardware store a man leaned, with an unlighted cigar in his mouth. As the policeman walked up to him the man spoke up quickly.
"It's all right, officer," he said, reassuringly. "I'm just waiting for a friend. It's an appointment made twenty years ago. Sounds a little funny to you, doesn't it? Well, I'll explain if you'd like to make certain it's all straight. About that long ago there used to be a restaurant where this store stands--'Big Joe' Brady's restaurant."
"Until five years ago," said the policeman. "It was torn down then."
The man in the doorway struck a match and lit his cigar. The light showed a pale, square-jawed face with keen eyes, and a little white scar near his right eyebrow. His scarfpin was a large diamond, oddly set.
"Twenty years ago to-night," said the man, "I dined here at 'Big Joe' Brady's with Jimmy Wells, my best chum, and the finest chap in the world. He and I were raised here in New York, just like two brothers, together. I was eighteen and Jimmy was twenty. The next morning I was to start for the West to make my fortune. You couldn't have dragged Jimmy out of New York; he thought it was the only place on earth. Well, we agreed that night that we would meet here again exactly twenty years from that date and time, no matter what our conditions might be or from what distance we might have to come. We figured that in twenty years each of us ought to have our destiny worked out and our fortunes made, whatever they were going to be."
"It sounds pretty interesting," said the policeman. "Rather a long time between meets, though, it seems to me. Haven't you heard from your friend since you left?"
"Well, yes, for a time we corresponded," said the other. "But after a year or two we lost track of each other. You see, the West is a pretty big proposition, and I kept hustling around over it pretty lively. But I know Jimmy will meet me here if he's alive, for he always was the truest, stanchest old chap in the world. He'll never forget. I came a thousand miles to stand in this door to-night, and it's worth it if my old partner turns up."
The waiting man pulled out a handsome watch, the lids of it set with small diamonds.
"Three minutes to ten," he announced. "It was exactly ten o'clock when we parted here at the restaurant door."__
"Did pretty well out West, didn't you?" asked the policeman.
"You bet! I hope Jimmy has done half as well. He was a kind of plodder, though, good fellow as he was. I've had to compete with some of the sharpest wits going to get my pile. A man gets in a groove in New York. It takes the West to put a razor-edge on him."
The policeman twirled his club and took a step or two.
"I'll be on my way. Hope your friend comes around all right. Going to call time on him sharp?"
"I should say not!" said the other. "I'll give him half an hour at least. If Jimmy is alive on earth he'll be here by that time. So long, officer."
"Good-night, sir," said the policeman, passing on along his beat, trying doors as he went.
There was now a fine, cold drizzle falling, and the wind had risen from its uncertain puffs into a steady blow. The few foot passengers astir in that quarter hurried dismally and silently along with coat collars turned high and pocketed hands. And in the door of the hardware store the man who had come a thousand miles to fill an appointment, uncertain almost to absurdity, with the friend of his youth, smoked his cigar and waited.
About twenty minutes he waited, and then a tall man in a long overcoat, with collar turned up to his ears, hurried across from the opposite side of the street. He went directly to the waiting man.
"Is that you, Bob?" he asked, doubtfully.
"Is that you, Jimmy Wells?" cried the man in the door.
"Bless my heart!" exclaimed the new arrival, grasping both the other's hands with his own. "It's Bob, sure as fate. I was certain I'd find you here if you were still in existence. Well, well, well! --twenty years is a long time. The old gone, Bob; I wish it had lasted, so we could have had another dinner there. How has the West treated you, old man?"
"Bully; it has given me everything I asked it for. You've changed lots, Jimmy. I never thought you were so tall by two or three inches."
"Oh, I grew a bit after I was twenty."
"Doing well in New York, Jimmy?"
"Moderately. I have a position in one of the city departments. Come on, Bob; we'll go around to a place I know of, and have a good long talk about old times."
The two men started up the street, arm in arm. The man from the West, his egotism enlarged by success, was beginning to outline the history of his career. The other, submerged in his overcoat, listened with interest.
At the corner stood a drug store, brilliant with electric lights. When they came into this glare each of them turned simultaneously to gaze upon the other's face.
The man from the West stopped suddenly and released his arm.
"You're not Jimmy Wells," he snapped. "Twenty years is a long time, but not long enough to change a man's nose from a Roman to a pug."
"It sometimes changes a good man into a bad one, said the tall man. "You've been under arrest for ten minutes, 'Silky' Bob. Chicago thinks you may have dropped over our way and wires us she wants to have a chat with you. Going quietly, are you? That's sensible. Now, before we go on to the station here's a note I was asked to hand you. You may read it here at the window. It's from Patrolman Wells."
The man from the West unfolded the little piece of paper handed him. His hand was steady when he began to read, but it trembled a little by the time he had finished. The note was rather short.
~"Bob: I was at the appointed place on time. When you struck the match to light your cigar I saw it was the face of the man wanted in Chicago. Somehow I couldn't do it myself, so I went around and got a plain clothes man to do the job.
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THE HELPER MAY TERMINATE THE CONTRACT WITHOUT JUST CAUSE BY SERVING A WRITTEN NOTICE ON THE EMPLOYER AT LEAST ONE MONTH IN ADVANCE. WITHOUT SUCH NOTICE, THE HELPER SHALL SHOULDER HER RETURN TRANSPORTATION.
MAAARING TAPUSIN O ITERMINA NG MANGGAGAWA ANG KONTRATA NG WALANG KADAHILAN SA PAMAMAGITAN NG PAGBIBIGAY NG PAUNANG KASULATANG PAABISO SA MGA AMO NG HINDI BABABA SA ISANG BUWAN . KUNG WALANG GANOONG ABISO, SASAGUTIN NG MANGGAGAWA ANG KANIYANG TRANSPORTASYON O PAMASAHE PAUWI NG BANSA.
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The culture of Thailand incorporates cultural beliefs and characteristics indigenous to the area known as modern-day Thailand coupled with much influence from ancient China, Cambodia, Laos, India along with the neighboring pre-historic cultures of Southeast Asia. It is influenced primarily by animism, Hinduism, Buddhism, as well as by later migrations from China, and northern India.
2.1 Traditional clothing
4 Birth traditions and beliefs
9 Traditional Games of Thailand
9.1 Kratai Kha Deow(One Legged Rabbit)
9.2 Banana rib hobbyhorse riding
11 See also
12 Notes and references
13 External links
Buddhist novices receiving joss sticks.
Main article: Religion in Thailand
Thailand is nearly 94%-95% Theravada Buddhist (which includes the Thai Forest Tradition and the Dhammayuttika Nikaya and Santi Asoke sects), with minorities of Muslims (5-6%), Christians (1%), Mahayana Buddhists, and other religions. Thai Theravada Buddhism is supported and overseen by the government, with monks receiving a number of government benefits, such as free use of the public transportation infrastructure.
Buddhism in Thailand is strongly influenced by traditional beliefs regarding ancestral and natural spirits, which have been incorporated into Buddhist cosmology. Most Thai people own spirit houses, miniature wooden houses in which they believe household spirits live. They present offerings of food and drink to these spirits to keep them happy. If these spirits aren't happy, it is believed that they will inhabit the larger household of the Thai, and cause chaos. These spirit houses can be found in public places and in the streets of Thailand, where the public make offerings.
Prior to the rise of Theravada Buddhism, both Indian Brahmanic religion and Mahayana Buddhism were present in Thailand. Influences from both these traditions can still be seen in present day Thai folklore. Brahmanist shrines play an important role in Thai folk religion, and the Mahayana Buddhist influence is reflected in the presence of figures like Lokesvara, a form of the bodhisattva Avalokitesvara sometimes incorporated into Thailand's iconography.
See also: Thai folklore
Thai greeting, the smile is an important symbol of refinement in Thai culture.
The traditional customs and the folklore of Thai people were gathered and described by Phya Anuman Rajadhon in the 20th century, at a time when modernity changed the face of Thailand and a great number of traditions disappeared or became adapted to modern life. Still, the striving towards refinement, rooted in ancient Siamese culture, consisting of promoting that which is refined and avoiding coarseness is a major focus of the daily life of Thai people and high on their scale of values.
One of the most distinctive Thai customs is the wai. Used in greetings, leave-taking, or as an acknowledgement, it comes in many forms, reflecting the relative status of those involved. Generally the salutation involves a prayer-like gesture with the hands, similar to the Añjali Mudrā of the Indian subcontinent, and it also may include a slight bow of the head. This salutation is often accompanied by a serene smile symbolizing a welcoming disposition and a pleasant attitude. Thailand is often referred to as the "land of smiles" in tourist brochures.
Public displays of affection is not overly common in traditional Thai society, especially between lovers. It is becoming more common, especially among the younger generation.
A notable social norm holds that touching someone on the head may be considered rude. It is also considered rude to place one's feet at a level above someone else's head, especially if that person is of higher social standing. This is because the Thai people consider the foot to be the dirtiest and lowliest part of the body, and the head the most respected and highest part of the body. This also influences how Thais sit when on the ground—their feet always pointing away from others, tucked to the side or behind them. Pointing at or touching something with the feet is also considered rude.
Display of respect of the younger towards the elder is a cornerstone value in Thailand. A family during the Buddhist ceremony for young men who are to be ordained as monks.
Since serene detachment is valued, conflict and sudden displays of anger are eschewed in Thai culture and, as is many Asian cultures, the notion of face is extremely important. For these reasons, visitors should take care not to create conflict, to display anger or to cause a Thai person to lose face. Disagreements or disputes should be handled with a smile and no attempt should be made to assign blame to another. In everyday life in Thailand, there is a strong emphasis on the concept of sanuk; the idea that life should be fun. Because of this, Thais can be quite playful at work and during day-to-day activities. Displaying positive emotions in social interactions is also important in Thai culture.
Often, Thais will deal with disagreements, minor mistakes, or misfortunes by using the phrase mai pen rai, translated as "it doesn't matter". The ubiquitous use of this phrase in Thailand reflects a disposition towards minimizing conflict, disagreements or complaints. A smile and the sentence "mai pen rai" indicates that the incident is not important and therefore there is no conflict or shame involved.
Respect for hierarchy is a very important value for Thai people. The custom of bun khun emphasizes the indebtedness towards parents, as well as towards guardians, teachers, and caretakers. It describes the feelings and practices involved in certain relationships organized around generalized reciprocity, the slow-acting accounting of an exchange calculated according to locally interpreted scales and measures. It is also considered rude to step on any type of Thai currency (Thai coin or banknote) as they include a likeness of the king.
The 1941-42 Thai cultural mandates, promulgated by Plaek Pibulsonggram, made sweeping changes in Thai culture. Modernization efforts discouraged the wearing of women's traditional costumes, in favour of more modern forms of dress
There are a number of Thai customs relating to the special status of monks in Thai society. Thai monks are forbidden physical contact with women. Women are therefore expected to make way for passing monks to ensure that accidental contact does not occur. A variety of methods are employed to ensure that no incidental contact (or the appearance of such contact) between women and monks occurs. Women making offerings to monks place their donation at the feet of the monk, or on a cloth laid on the ground or a table. Powders or unguents intended to carry a blessing are applied to Thai women by monks using the end of a candle or stick. Laypersons are expected to sit or stand with their heads at a lower level than that of a monk. Within a temple, monks may sit on a raised platform during ceremonies to make this easier to achieve.
When sitting in a temple, one is expected to point one's feet away from images of the Buddha. Shrines inside Thai residences are arranged so as to ensure that the feet are not pointed towards the religious icons, such as placing the shrine on the same wall as the head of a bed, if a house is too small to remove the shrine from the bedroom entirely.
It is also customary to remove one's footwear before entering a home or the sacred areas within a temple, and not to step on the threshold.
A woman wearing a chut Thai
Main article: Chut thai
Traditional Thai clothing is called chut thai (Thai: ชุดไทย Thai pronunciation: [tɕʰút.tʰaj]) which literally means "Thai outfit". It can be worn by men, women, and children. Chut thai for women usually consists of a pha nung or a chong kraben, a blouse, and a sabai. Northern and northeastern women may wear a sinh instead of a pha nung and a chong kraben with either a blouse or a suea pat. Chut thai for men includes a chong kraben or pants, a Raj pattern shirt, with optional knee-length white socks and a sabai. Chut thai for northern Thai men is composed of a sado, a white Manchu styled jacket, and sometimes a khian hua. In formal occasions, people may choose to wear a chut thai phraratchaniyom.
A traditional wedding in Thailand.
Main article: Thai marriage
Thai Buddhist marriage ceremonies are generally divided into two parts: a Buddhist component, which includes the recitation of prayers and the offering of food and other gifts to monks and images of the Buddha, and a non-Buddhist component rooted in folk traditions, which centers on the couple's families.
In former times, it was unknown for Buddhist monks to be present at any stage of the marriage ceremony itself. As monks were required to attend to the dead during funerals, their presence at a marriage (which was associated with fertility, and intended to produce children) was considered a bad omen. A couple would seek a blessing from their local temple before or after being married, and might consult a monk for astrological advice in setting an auspicious date for the wedding. The non-Buddhist portions of the wedding would take place away from the temple, and would often take place on a separate day.
In modern times, these prohibitions have been significantly relaxed. It is not uncommon for a visit to a temple to be made on the same day as the non-Buddhist portions of a wedding, or even for the wedding to take place within the temple. While a division is still commonly observed between the "religious" and "secular" portions of a wedding service, it may be as simple as the monks present for the Buddhist ceremony departing to take lunch once their role is complete.
During the Buddhist component of the wedding service, the couple first bow before the image of the Buddha. They then recite certain basic Buddhist prayers or chants (typically including taking the Three Refuges and the Five Precepts), and light incense and candles before the image. The parents of the couple may then be called upon to "connect" them, by placing upon the heads of the bride and groom twin loops of string or thread that link the couple together. The couple may then make offerings of food, flowers, and medicine to the monks present. Cash gifts (usually placed in an envelope) may also be presented to the temple at this time.
The monks may then unwind a small length of thread that is held between the hands of the assembled monks. They begin a series of recitations of Pali scriptures intended to bring merit and blessings to the new couple. The string terminates with the lead monk, who may connect it to a container of water that will be "sanctified" for the ceremony. Merit is said to travel through the string and be conveyed to the water. A similar arrangement is used to transfer merit to the dead at a funeral, further evidence of the weakening of the taboo on mixing funerary imagery and trappings with marriage ceremonies. Blessed water may be mixed with wax drippings from a candle lit before the Buddha image and other unguents and herbs to create a paste that is then applied to the foreheads of the bride and groom to create a small dot, similar to the marking made with red ochre on Hindu devotees. The bride's mark is created with the butt end of the candle rather than the monk's thumb, in keeping with the Vinaya prohibition against touching women.
The highest-ranking monk present may elect to say a few words to the couple, offering advice or encouragement. The couple may then make offerings of food to the monks, at which point the Buddhist portion of the ceremony is concluded.
The Thai dowry system is known as the sin sodt Thai: สินสอด. Traditionally, the groom will be expected to pay a sum of money to the family, to compensate them and to demonstrate that the groom is financially capable of taking care of their daughter. Sometimes, this sum is purely symbolic, and will be returned to the bride and groom after the wedding has taken place.
The religious component of marriage ceremonies between Thai Muslims are markedly different from that described above. The Imam of the local mosque, the groom, the father of the bride, men in the immediate family, and important men in the community sit in a circle during the ceremony, conducted by the Imam. All the women, including the bride, sit in a separate room and do not have any direct participation in the ceremony. The secular component of the ceremony, however, is often nearly identical to the secular part of Thai Buddhist wedding ceremonies. The only notable difference here is the type of meat served to guests (goat and/or beef instead of pork). Thai Muslims frequently, though not always, also follow the conventions of the Thai dowry system.
Birth traditions and beliefs
Main article: Birth in Thailand
Traditional principles concerning pregnancy and childbirth are largely influenced by folk beliefs, especially in rural areas of central and north Thailand. Modern practices follow the Western medical model.
See also: Funeral (Buddhism)
Funeral pyre of Chan Kusalo, the patriarch-abbot of northern Thailand.
Traditionally, funerals last for at least one week. Crying is discouraged during the funeral, so as not to worry the spirit of the deceased. Many activities surrounding the funeral are intended to make merit for the deceased. Copies of Buddhist scriptures may be printed and distributed in the name of the deceased, and gifts are usually given to a local temple. Monks are invited to chant prayers that are intended to provide merit for the deceased, as well as to provide protection against the possibility of the dead relative returning as a malicious spirit. A picture of the deceased from his/her best days will often be displayed next to the coffin. Often, a thread is connected to the corpse or coffin which is held by the chanting monks during their recitation; this thread is intended to transfer the merit of the monks' recitation to the deceased. The corpse is cremated, and the urn with the ash is usually kept in a chedi in the local temple.
Thai Chinese and Thai Muslim minorities bury their deceased according to the rituals of their respective communities.
A depiction of a white elephant in 19th century Thai art.
Main articles: Thai art and Music of Thailand
Thai visual arts were traditionally Buddhist. Thai Buddha images from different periods have a number of distinctive styles. Thai temple art and architecture evolved from a number of sources, one of them being Khmer architecture. Contemporary Thai art often combines traditional Thai elements with modern techniques.
Literature in Thailand is heavily influenced by Indian Hindu culture. The most notable works of Thai literature are a version of the Ramayana, a Hindu religious epic, called the Ramakien, written in part by Kings Rama I and Rama II, and the poetry of Sunthorn Phu.
There is no tradition of spoken drama in Thailand, the role instead being filled by Thai dance. This is divided into three categories: khon, lakhon, and likay, khon being the most elaborate and likay the most popular. Nang drama, a form of shadow play, is found in the south.
The music of Thailand includes classical and folk music traditions, e.g., piphat and mor lam, respectively) as well as string or pop music.
Main article: Public holidays in Thailand
Important holidays in Thai culture include Thai New Year, or Songkran, which is officially observed from 13–15 April each year. Falling at the end of the dry season and during the hot season in Thailand, the celebrations notoriously feature boisterous water throwing. The water throwing stemmed from washing Buddha images and lightly sprinkling scented water on the hands of elderly people. Small amounts of scented talcum powder were also used in the annual cleansing rite. In recent decades, water fights have been increasingly industrialised with use of hoses, barrels, squirt guns, water-filled surgical tubing, and copious amounts of powder.
Loi Krathong is held on the 12th full moon of the Thai lunar calendar, usually early-November. While not a government-observed holiday, it is nonetheless an auspicious day in Thai culture, in which Thai people "loi", meaning "to float" a "krathong", a small raft traditionally made from elaborately folded banana leaves and including flowers, candles, incense sticks, and small offerings. The act of floating away the candle raft is symbolic of letting go of all one's grudges, anger, and defilements so that one can start life afresh on a better footing.
Thai boxing is the indigenous national sport in Thailand. Football is perhaps the most-watched sport. The English Premier League is surprisingly popular.
Traditional Games of Thailand
Kratai Kha Deow(One Legged Rabbit)
“Kratai Kha Deow” or “One Legged Rabbit” is one type of catch game. The catcher will call the rabbit, and the rabbit must stand on one leg and jump or tiptoe to catch the other players and switch to rabbit instead. This game will exercise your legs and practice balancing on one leg. The number of players are divided into two teams, or may not have a team at all. Normally, there are two or more players. At the first time, the player will select the rabbit or team by “Rock-Paper-Scissors”. The loser would have to be a rabbit.
In the case of solo player, the rabbit must stand on one leg, then jump to chase and touch any part of the body of other children who have run away. Everyone must stay within the designated area. A player who runs out of space loses the game and must be switched to rabbit, but if the rabbit is exhausted and cannot stand on one leg, it was that defeated and must be punished.
In team play, the rules are similar to the solo player, but the rabbit team will send a representative to catch the other team to all the people. Those arrested will have to wait outside until the rabbit team can catch all of the rival teams. Rabbit team can switch to teammates to catch on until they are exhausted, and if the all of the members in rabbit team are exhausted and cannot stand on one leg, the rabbit team lose the game and must be punished too.
Banana rib hobbyhorse riding
Banana rib hobbyhorse riding or "Khee Ma Khan Kluay" in Thai is a traditional game of Thailand that Thai kids frequently played in the past. They use a banana rib to make the parts of a horse such as head, ear, and horsetail. The kids can make a horse on their own by using banana rib from banana trees irrelevant. This game makes kids enjoy their imagination by assume themselves as a rider, and an exercise. That is a local traditional which is the kids can spent time together.
The materials for making a banana rib hobbyhorse are banana rib, knife, small bamboo pin, and string. First, find a rib of a banana around 1.5 is long (1 meter = 2 wa). Cut it in a form of the head, neck, and ears then use a small bamboo pin to connect the ear to the head of a horse. The remaining part of a banana rib, becomes a horsetail. Attach a string between the head and the tail of this banana rib horse and place on the shoulder of the rider.
How to play banana rib hobbyhorse riding. Kids will sit on the horse and behave like they are riding a real horse shouting ‘hee hee’ or ‘yee haaah’(making the usual sounds people shout when controlling their horses). They may race with other friends if they have player more than 2 players. Which team runs faster, will be the winner or continuously ride around a wide open space and have fun.
See also: Thai names
Thai people universally have one, or occasionally more, short nicknames (Thai: ชื่อเล่น name-play) that they use with friends a
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In concurrent programming, a deadlock is a situation in which two or more competing actions are each waiting for the other to finish, and thus neither ever does.
In a transactional database, a deadlock happens when two processes each within its own transaction updates two rows of information but in the opposite order. For example, process A updates row 1 then row 2 in the exact timeframe that process B updates row 2 then row 1. Process A can't finish updating row 2 until process B is finished, but process B cannot finish updating row 1 until process A is finished. No matter how much time is allowed to pass, this situation will never resolve itself and because of this database management systems will typically kill the transaction of the process that has done the least amount of work.
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