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geogle terjemahan Indonesia-Inggris

blacksburg

Last Update: 2014-10-22
Subject: General
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english assignment

Dynamics of a Rural Land Market Experiencing Farmland Conversion to Acreages: The Case of Saunders County, Nebraska David J. Drozd and Bruce B. Johnson ABSTRACT. This study analyzes an urban-influenced real estate market that is experiencing land use transitions. Evaluating a three-year period of unimproved real estate sales in Saunders County, Nebraska, has identified components that contribute to farmland values. Applying these components illustrates that buyers havingspecial motivations often pay premiums to obtain agricultural land. A model based on farmland productivity determines a crossoverpoint where it becomes economically justifiable to convert farmland into acreage tracts, illustrating productivity levels where concerns over development hold merit. Areas experiencing farmland development will obtain valuable informationfor land use and planning decisions from applying this research. (JEL Q1.5) I. INTRODUCTION The rapid development of acreages near urban centers has become a highly influential factor in the real estate market for farmland. Buyers of agricultural land for acreage use have been paying substantial premiums above farmland values to obtain desirable parcels for home construction. Enticed by these premiums, landowners have been splitting farmland parcels into acreage tracts rather than selling property to agricultural producers for continued farmland use. However, people have been discussing whether converting farmland into acreages is an optimal land use. An intense debate has developed concerning farmland conversion to other uses such as acreages and if such changes are economically efficient. Questions have arisen over the appropriateness of allowing the development of highly agriculturally productive "prime farmland," includinghow,or if, this development should continue. Some believe more efforts should be taken to preserve prime farmland, while others indicate the market will determine what is economically optimal. Discussion emphasis has been given to population density, commuting distance, and personal space-fundamentally important aspects of the land use debate (Castle 2001, 27). Acreage development is being driven by personal desires to escape the stressful, fastpaced city life and its associated traffic,noise, congestion, and crime. A recent Gallup survey confirms that nationally, 60% of adults prefer to live outside of cities and suburbs (The Gallup Organization 1998). People also desire the positive aspects of urban centers, however, such as increased employment opportunities and a wider variety of retail outlets and entertainment activities. Living on a quiet, serene, rural acreage and commuting to work provides the "best of both worlds" for many people. Thus, a large demand for acreageshas arisen in areas that surround a metropolitan center. Agricultural producers own the majority of land subject to acreage development. Over the last several generations their demographic profile has been steadily changing. The decline in the percentage of the workforce in production agriculture is well documented, with the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) indicating farm sector employment has dropped from approximately 20% at the start of World War 11,to lessthan 2% today (USDA 2001). Moreover, with fewer young adults entering production agriculture, the farming population has been growing older (Gale 1993,138,14445). Many producers/rural landowners are either at, or nearing retirement age; they must plan for the dissolution of their business. Obtaining the best price for their assets is typically a high priority. Thus, the high land prices being paid by acreage buyers are appealing to many landowning farmers. Rather than maintaining ownership of their land and receiving cash rent from another farmer, some landowners are choosing to subdivide the land for sale as acreage tracts, using the proceeds for retirement or non-farm investments. Virtually all metropolitan areas with a surrounding agricultural corridor are subject to this type of land use conversion and its associated controversy. In Nebraska, the major urban centers are Omaha and Lincoln. Rural agricultural areas are located on all sides of these cities. Thus, both metropolitan expansion on the urban edge and acreage development 10 to 50 miles beyond the city limits are having increased impacts upon surrounding farming areas. "Border wars" and other disputes have arisen between farmers and their new neighbors concerning increased traffic, livestock facilities and their associated odors, rising property tax valuations, dust and noise from farming, and how farmland conversion may force land values beyond the "economic reach" of agricultural producers (Lincoln Journal Star 2001). It is this final issue of the market price for agricultural land that is the focus of this research. It is critical to understand how the real estate market functions in complex transitional areas that are greatly affected by the interface of urban influences and strong agricultural traditions. It is the market prices influenced by the varying motivations of market participants (acreage buyers, farm producers, speculators/property investors, existing landowners) acting within the bounds of institutional policy and the law that will ultimately determine future land use patterns. The primary objective of this research was to analyze real estate values in both the farmland and acreage property markets and identify how the price structure in these markets was influencing farmland development. More specifically, this research was designed to identify and apply the concept of a crossover point, in terms of market value, where rational sellers of farmland would be economically enticed to change the land use and subdivide farmland into acreage tracts. Up to this crossover point, rational sellers would continue to provide land for the agricultural market, where a higher selling price could be attained by maintaining the farmland in agricultural production. Beyond this point, however, changing the land use would provide increased net returns for the seller. Accordingly, a model was developed to analyze how characteristics of a tract of land determine its value per acre in both the farmland and acreage markets. By knowing these property values and subdividing costs, patterns in farmland conversion to acreage use could be identified; and, based on a certain parcel's characteristics, the model could predict whether that specific parcel was likely to be sold for acreage use or remain in agricultural production. This study provides insight into a dynamic real estate market witnessing land use transitions from farmland to acreages. Quantitative, economic analyses were completed for a specific local market (Saunders County, Nebraska) to define (1) factors determining farmland values; and (2) the level of farmland productivity where economic forces indicate acreage development pressure will cease. 11. LITERATURE REVIEW Numerous studies have been completed regarding the general topic of agricultural land values. Many current studies have tended to focus on urban influences and the development potential of farmland. Most relevant to this research were studies evaluating components of farmland values in rural areas, as the analyses in this project dealt primarily with properties located 10 to 40 miles beyond the urban fringe. Studies Utilizing Rural Real Estate Sales Data Kennedy et al. (1997) used the Louisiana Rural Land Market Survey to compile 948 sales of rural real estate across the state of Louisiana (excluding the New Orleans Metropolitan area) that occurred over the 1.5-year period from January 1993 to June 1994. They performed a hedonic analysis, finding factors such as tract size, distance to the largest town in the parish (county), improvement values, and paved road access had significant impacts on parcel values in most subdistricts of Louisiana. Percentages of cropland, pastureland, and timber in the tract along with road frontage were factors contributing significantly to farmland values in some subdistricts, but overall could not be classified as strong determinants of farmland values. Similarly, Elad, Clifton, and Epperson (1994) completed a hedonic estimation for the fannland market in Georgia. They used the unpublished Farm-Rural Land Market surveys completed by the University of Georgia to analyze 1,375 statewide (excluding the greater Atlanta area) individual land sales occurring over the four-year period of 1986 to 1989. They concluded that smaller tract size, the presence of buildings, and being located closer to Atlanta made significant positive contributions to farmland values. Their analysis showed that the number of cropland acres in the tract did not have a major influence on land values. They concluded that regional locations have such an influence and local markets have such variations, that making determinations regarding the overall "farmland market" is difficult. In earlier work, Miranowski and Hammes (1984) relied on the Iowa Land Value Survey to determine county average farmland prices plus a collection of 94 farmland sales occurring over a six-year period to determine how soil characteristics impact land values. They sought to determine whether farmland buyers properly discounted land values as soil quality and soil productivity declined. They found high significance in topsoil depth and pH values positively affecting farmland prices, while potential erosivity had a highly significant negative affect. Location factors expressed through dummy variables had little to no effect on farmland values during the 1974- 1979 study period. The study concluded that improving soil productivity and reducing soil erosion led to higher land values, but was uncertain if the farmland market properly discounted values as productive capacity declined. In a recent study, Nickerson and Lynch (2001) determined differences in sales prices of properties with unrestricted development rights and those parcels selling with conservation easements or other restrictions. They accessed Maryland's Tax and Assessment database to find 224 sales transactions in three counties over a 3.5- year period. Two hundred of the sales between January 1994 and August 1997 had unrestricted development rights, while 24 sold with a conservation easement or other farmland preservation method. The analytical framework used by Nickerson and Lynch involved a hedonic approach, developing a model to indicate what factors gave the unrestricted parcels value, and then applying the model to the characteristics of the restricted parcels. This effectively showed the price the restricted parcels would have sold for if no preservation measures had been taken, all else being equal. Similar to previous hedonic models, larger parcel size, longer distances to urban centers, and less farmable land significantly lowered values for unrestricted farms. The Nickerson and Lynch model showed the 24 restricted parcels would have sold for an average of $5,066 per acre according to the market for unrestricted parcels versus an actual selling price average of $3,761 per acre. Thus, the average value of development rights based on these Maryland sales is viewed at near $1,300 per acre during the period analyzed. While the differential on some individual sales was much larger at $4,000-$5,000 per acre, there was no case where the restricted parcel's actual

Last Update: 2014-09-15
Subject: General
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Reference: Anonymous
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what his personal Indonesian

Dying one thousand growNext Payment date ...............:::::)

Last Update: 2014-08-27
Subject: General
Usage Frequency: 1
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Reference: Anonymous

google translation Javanese Indonesian

PT Hanjaya Mandala Sampoerna Tbk. (PT HM Sampoerna Tbk.) was founded in 1913 in Surabaya. During the course of its development, PT HM Sampoerna Tbk. has become Indonesia’s fastest growing tobacco company. Dji Sam Soe and A Mild are the core brands of PT HM Sampoerna Tbk.’s premium product portfolio, while Sampoerna Kretek competes in the medium price segment. PT HM Sampoerna Tbk. was Indonesia’s first tobacco company to introduce low-tar-low-nicotine clove cigarettes, and has developed the market over the last decades that is now the fastest growing segment. In May 2005, PT Philip Morris Indonesia, a subsidiary of Philip Morris International Inc., completed its acquisition of PT HM Sampoerna Tbk. Afterwards, under a combined management of local and international expertise, PT HM Sampoerna Tbk. has an excellent platform for accelerated growth.

Last Update: 2014-10-21
Subject: General
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Reference: Anonymous

Dgoogle english translation indonesi

Try to make move stay wait to remember

Last Update: 2014-10-16
Subject: General
Usage Frequency: 1
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Reference: Anonymous

sorry I did not really speak English,

besar

Last Update: 2014-10-21
Subject: General
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sorry I did not really speak English,

oh... okay fine ,no problem

Last Update: 2014-09-25
Subject: General
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Hi..you speak english my pleasure bicame ur frend

my sister and I ... a pet. it ... a cat. it ... very cute.

Last Update: 2014-09-17
Subject: General
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Tsunami The term of “tsunami” comes from the Japanese which means harbour (“tsu”) and wave (“nami”). A tsunamigk is a series of waves generated when water in a lake or the sea is rapidly displaced on a massive scale. A tsunami can be generated when the sea floor abruptly deforms and vertically displaces the overlying water. Such large vertical movements of the earth’s crust can occur at plate boundaries. Subduction of earthquakes are particularly effective in generating tsunamis, and occur where denser oceanic plates slip under continental plates. As the displaced water mass moves under the influence of gravity to regain its equilibrium, it radiates across the ocean like ripples on a pond. Tsunami always bring great damage. Most of the damage is caused by the huge mass of water behind the initial wave front, as the height of the sea keeps rising fast and floods powerfully into the coastal area. Terjemahan

The term of “tsunami” comes from the Japanese which means harbour ("tsu") and wave ("nami"). A tsunami is a series of waves generated when water in a lake or a sea is rapidly displaced on a massive scale. A tsunami can be generated when the sea floor abruptly deforms and vertically displaces the overlying water. Such large vertical movements of the earth's crust can occur at plate boundaries. Subduction of earthquakes are particularly effective in generating tsunami, and occur where denser oceanic plates slip under continental plates. As the displaced water mass moves under the influence of gravity to regain its equilibrium, it radiates across the ocean like ripples on a pond. Tsunami always bring great damage. Most of the damage is caused by the huge mass of water behind the initial wave front, as the height of the sea keeps rising fast and floods powerfully into the coastal area.

Last Update: 2014-10-14
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MAKIN SEXY NAMANYA, MAKIN MANTAP GOYANGANNYA Tuesday, November 4, 2008 M. Ajisatria Suleiman Hanya orang-orang yang super pintar yang dapat terlibat dalam industri keuangan. Bagaimana tidak, instrumen di pasar keuangan saat ini telah menjelma menjadi makhluk-makhluk super canggih, dengan perhitungan yang super rumit, melalui konstruksi hukum yang super kompleks, sehingga akhirnya dihasilkan produk keuangan yang katanya menguntungkan, sebelum krisis keuangan global menghancurkan mimpi-mimpi untuk kaya mendadak ini. Industri keuangan dikuasai oleh fund manager kelas kakap, yang biasanya lulusan sekolah keuangan ternama, bahkan banyak yang berlatar belakang doktor tidak hanya di bidang ekonomi tetapi juga matematika, dan juga oleh lawyer-lawyer terbaik yang dihasilkan oleh sekolah hukum. Mereka lah otak di balik produk-produk aneh bin ajaib dengan nama eksotis (seakan mengundang untuk dimiliki dengan iming-iming keuntungan super besar) antara lain option, right, warrant, credit default swap, futures, collateralized debt obligation, credit link note, asset backed securities, mortgage backed securities, dan entah puluhan produk-produk lainnya yang sejenis yang dalam industri keuangan dikenal dengan istilah “instrumen derivatif.” Ternyata nasib berkata lain, produk-produk itulah yang akhirnya menjadi malapetaka salah satu krisis terbesar dalam sejarah ekonomi modern dunia. Agaknya, semakin sexy namanya, semakin mantap pula goyangannya. Makhluk Bernama Mortgage Backed Securities (MBS) Mengingat krisis global dipicu dari kejadian di luar sana, Amerika Serikat, tidak banyak yang mengetahui secara menyeluruh asal-muasalnya, namun setiap orang pasti pernah mendengar istilah ini: subprime mortgage. Subprime Mortgage sebenarnya tidak lain adalah kredit perumahan yang diberikan kepada mereka yang sebenarnya tidak layak diberikan pinjaman, sebut saja masyarakat menengah ke bawah, namun sangat membutuhkan pembiayaan untuk memiliki perumahan. Meskipun demikian, bukan subprime mortgage itu sendiri yang menyebabkan krisis keuangan, melainkan produk derivatifnya yang sebenarnya merupakan efek (sekuritas) beragun subprime mortgage itu sebagai jaminan atas perumahan (supaya sederhana, sebut saja hipotek). Ketika seseorang meng-kredit rumah, maka ia akan membayar cicilan sejumlah tertentu setiap bulannya dengan jaminan hipotek atas rumah tersebut. Bank sebagai penerima cicilan akan mendapatkan keuntungan setiap bulannya dari cicilan dan bunga pembayaran. Masalahnya, bagaimana jika bank membutuhkan uang dalam jumlah yang banyak dalam waktu singkat: jawabannya, piutang bank atas si debitur (pemilik rumah) bisa dijual, tentu dengan harga diskon. Misalnya, jika utang si pemilik rumah beserta cicilan berjumlah total 100 juta, maka utang itu bisa dijual oleh bank kepada pihak lain dengan harga 95 juta. Si pihak ketiga mendapat keuntungan 5 juta, sementara si bank merugi 5 juta, namun ia bisa mendapatkan uang dalam jumlah besar ketimbang harus menunggu sampai cicilan berakhir. Tidak ada yang salah dengan mekanisme di atas, karena perdagangan utang hanya bertujuan untuk mengatasi permasalahan likuiditas (si pemegang piutang butuh uang cepat). Namun, ketamakan terjadi ketika piutang-piutang tersebut digabungkan dan dijual dalam jumlah besar, tidak lagi atas nama likuiditas, melainkan untuk mendapatkan uang mudah (easy money). Bayangkan jika ada 1.000.000 orang yang memiliki utang ke bank dengan cicilan berbeda dan tanggal jatuh tempo yang berbeda pula. Seluruh utang tersebut digabung menjadi satu, melalui proses keuangan dan konstruksi hukum yang rumit, menjadi suatu efek atau surat berharga yang diperdagangkan di pasar modal. Efek inilah yang bernama Mortgage Backed Securities (MBS). Bank menjual piutang-piutangnya kepada lembaga keuangan yang disponsori pemerintah, Fannie Mae dan Freddie Mac, dan mereka lah yang kemudian mensekuritisasi piutang-piutang bank menjadi MBS, dan kemudian diperjual-belikan di pasar modal. Keuntungannya, pemegang MBS akan mendapatkan keuntungan dari setiap pembayaran cicilan dari para pemilik rumah, sementara Fannie Mae dan Freddie Mac dapat menggunakan dana hasil emisi MBS untuk kegiatan lainnya (tidak jarang untuk jaminan berutang lagi). Singkat kata, utang yang dimiliki bank dijadikan landasan untuk berutang lagi (luar biasa kecerdasan, sekaligus ketamakan, bankir-bankir dan lawyer-lawyer Wall Street ini). MBS dibeli oleh investor, yang kemudian dibeli lagi oleh investor, dan seperti itu seterusnya sampai entah berapa banyak investor (biasanya bank investasi) yang terlibat dari cicilan rumah masyarakat. Dalam keadaan ekonomi yang bullish (naik), semua pihak senang karena masing-masing mendapat keuntungan dari hasil cicilan rumah itu. Namun efek dominonya, ketika suku bunga bank naik dan ternyata pemilik rumah tidak mampu membayar cicilan dan utang (alias wanprestasi), bisa dibayangkan berapa banyak pihak yang akan terkena imbasnya, yang tidak mendapatkan keuntungan yang diharapkan, dan inilah awal dari krisis subprime mortgage yang mulai terasa sejak dua tahun lalu di AS. Sialnya, MBS ini acapkali berujung di bankir-bankir investasi besar macam Lehman Brothers dan Morgan Stanley. Jadi, ketika krisis subprime menguak, hancurlah lembaga-lembaga keuangan ini. Permasalahan itu bernama Credit Default Swap (CDS) Satu lagi virus yang menjadi penyakit krisis keuangan global bernama Credit Default Swap (CDS). CDS yang terkait dengan MBS pun akhirnya harus ikut hancur dan menciptakan lingkaran setan baru dalam krisis keuangan global ini. CDS pada dasarnya hanyalah sebuah kontrak, perjanjian, antara dua pihak yang membebankan hak dan kewajiban bagi keduanya. CDS merupakan perjanjian yang dibuat antara “pembeli perlindungan” (protection buyer) dan “penjual perlindungan” (protection seller) yang menjamin suatu obligasi (surat utang) atau pinjaman tertentu (obyek yang dijaminkan ini dikenal dengan istilah referenced entity) apabila obligasi atau pinjaman tersebut mengalami gagal bayar/wanprestasi/default. Dalam CDS, pembeli perlindungan harus membayar sejumlah uang tertentu untuk membeli kontrak tersebut, dan setiap tahunnya harus membayar premi tertentu kepada penjual perlindungan untuk melindungi kerugian yang mungkin timbul dari obligasi atau pinjaman yang menjadi referensi (dasar) selama waktu tertentu, biasanya 5 (lima) tahun. Sederhananya seperti ini. C adalah pemegang Sub-Prime MBS sebesar US$20 Juta. Anggap saja X adalah suatu perusahaan investasi ingin menjadi penjual perlindungan, maka X akan membuat perjanjian dengan C yang pada intinya menyatakan bahwa pembayaran hipotik MBS yang dipegang C wanprestasi, X akan membayarnya. Sebagai gantinya, X meminta pembayaran premi secara berkala dari C atas penanggungan tersebut. Konstruksi ini sebenarnya sangat mirip dengan asuransi, meskipun dengan berbagai perbedaan yang akan dijelaskan di bagian berikutnya. Untuk apa ada CDS? Jika dimainkan dengan baik, CDS bertujuan sebagai sarana lindung nilai (hedging). C ingin melindungi, atau setidak-tidaknya mendapatkan kepastian, atas aset yang mereka miliki. Maksudnya, dengan CDS, mereka bisa mendapatkan “kepastian” mengenai jumlah aset mereka karena sudah dijamin oleh penjual perlindungan berdasarkan CDS. C memang harus membayar sedikit lebih mahal (karena harus membayar kontrak dan premi CDS), namun mereka mendapatkan jaminan bahwa apabila terjadi wanprestasi, mereka tetap akan dibayar. Namun demikian, terdapat pula pihak-pihak yang menggunakan CDS sebagai sarana spekulasi dan bukan sebagai sarana lindung nilai. Mereka adalah pihak-pihak yang membeli CDS tanpa ada hubungan dengan referenced entity, jadi pembelian tersebut bukan dalam rangka lindung nilai. Mereka adalah pihak-pihak yang hendak bertaruh apakah suatu efek akan gagal bayar atau tidak. Sialnya, lagi-lagi perusahaan investasi besar macam Lehman Brothers merupakan penjual perlindungan yang sangat besar di AS, sehingga kedudukannya semakin terpuruk dalam krisis global ini (pailitlah ia!). CDS hanyalah kontrak bilateral antara dua pihak tanpa ada regulasi apapun yang mengaturnya, kecuali ketentuan-ketentuan yang tercantum dalam kontrak CDS tersebut. Oleh karena itu, jaminan yang diberikan oleh satu pihak kepada pihak lain hanyalah yang termuat dalam CDS, tanpa ada campur tangan pemerintah atau regulator lain seperti kalau di Indonesia ada Bank Indonesia (BI) atau BAPEPAM (Badan Pengawas Pasar Modal). Sesuai dengan prinsip “kebebasan berkontrak,” hal tersebut adalah sah-sah saja. Namun disinilah letak gunung es kehancurannya, karena resiko yang ada sangat-sangat besar sekali: CDS hanya bergantung pada kepercayaan terhadap si penjual perlindungan. Meskipun penjual perlindungan biasanya adalah lembaga-lembaga keuangan bonafide (JP Morgan, Bear Stearns, AIG), ternyata tidak ada jaminan bahwa mereka pun mampu membayar resiko yang mereka janjikan untuk ditanggung. Di sinilah para ahli keuangan itu dengan pintar memberikan produk ini nama "SWAP" sehingga tidak perlu ada regulasi. Jika namanya adalah asuransi (yang sebenarnya memang produk ini adalah asuransi atas wanprestasi), otomatis harus tunduk pada regulasi asuransi, misalnya pencadangan minimal atau rasio kecukupan modal. Dalam ekonomi yang sedang naik, penerbitan CDS merupakan prospek yang menguntungkan karena si penjual perlindungan bisa mendapatkan uang tanpa modal apapun (kecuali membayar konsultan keuangan dan lawyer). Mengingat tidak ada regulasi apapun, dengan hanya bermodal nama besar dan kepercayaan nasabah, suatu lembaga keuangan dapat membuat perjanjian CDS dengan bank komersial atau bank investasi untuk menjamin utang-utang di bank-bank tersebut. Jika kredit atau bursa saham sedang bagus, maka tingkat gagal bayar menjadi rendah, dan penjual perlindungan mendapatkan aliran uang pembayaran premi secara rutin, sekali lagi, tanpa biaya apapun. Namun jika ekonomi sedang turun, siapa yang menjamin semua berjalan lancar? Pelajaran Berharga Apa pelajaran berharga yang dapat diambil? Sederhanya, janganlah kita terlalu tamak untuk mendapatkan uang mudah. Kalau kata kakek kita, uang itu didapat dari hasil kerja keras, tidak bisa bermodal kejeniusan intelektual belaka kemudian merancang berbagai instrumen super canggih bisa menghasilkan keuntungan seketika tanpa modal finansial. Perdagangan MBS atau CDS yang begitu pesat menunjukkan semua orang ingin ikut mengambil kue keuntungan, meski akhirnya semua menjadi buntung. Sedemikian canggihnya perhitungan itu dibuat, atau konstruksi hukum itu disusun, apabila “barangnya” hanya rekayasa finansial belaka, bobroknya akan terlihat juga. Satu pelajaran lain adalah bahwa industri keuangan sudah sedemikian kompleksnya sehingga akhirnya lupa dari tujuan utamanya. Tujuan asli kredit rumah adalah untuk memberikan kesempatan bagi masyarakat untuk memiliki rumah meskipun penghasilannya mungkin pas-pasan. Jika kredit itu kemudian diperjual belikan secara masif agar bank mendapatkan keuntungan sampingan, tentu hal ini sudah bertentangan dengan kodrat asli dari kredit itu sendiri. Singkat kata, agaknya pelajaran manajemen 101 harus diangkat sebagai penutup tulisan ini: KISS (Keep It Simple, Stupid). terjemahan goggle

this is my joob

Last Update: 2014-10-07
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We could not verify the build year of this unit.terjamah english

i promise i will never let you go

Last Update: 2014-08-10
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