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Google translate menjual barang barang khas bali
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Heartbeats fast
Colors and promises
How to be brave
How can I love when I’m afraid to fall
But watching you stand alone
All of my doubt suddenly goes away somehow
One step closer
I have died everyday waiting for you
Darling don’t be afraid I have loved you
For a thousand years
I love you for a thousand more
Time stands still
Beauty in all she is
I will be brave
I will not let anything take away
What’s standing in front of me
Every breath
Every hour has come to this
One step closer
I have died everyday waiting for you
Darling don’t be afraid I have loved you
For a thousand years
I love you for a thousand more
And all along I believed I would find you
Time has brought your heart to me
I have loved you for a thousand years
I love you for a thousand more
One step closer
One step closer
I have died everyday waiting for you
Darling don’t be afraid I have loved you
For a thousand years
I love you for a thousand more
And all along I believed I would find you
Time has brought your heart to me
I have loved you for a thousand years
I love you for a thousand moreGoogle Translate
males bertanya males tersenyum males menjawab
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Home Jasa PAKET WISATA GUNUNG BROMO
PAKET WISATA GUNUNG BROMO
Info dan Reservasi: bromotravelling@gmail.com l http://tourtobromo.com l 085649100851 l 0341-557791
GUNUNG BROMO adalah salah satu gunung yang masih aktif di Indonesia. Gunung Bromo merupakan salah satu tujuan utama wisata alam Jawa Timur. Panorama yang indah, suasana alam yang sangat eksotis, dan keunikan sosial budaya masyarakat setempat, menjadi daya tarik gunung yang berada dalam wilayah Taman Nasional Bromo Tengger Semeru ini. Gunung Bromo memiliki ketinggian 2.392 meter di atas permukaan laut dan berada dalam empat wilayah, yaitu Kabupaten Probolinggo, Pasuruan, Lumajang, dan Kabupaten Malang. Di antara lembah dan ngarainya terhampar lautan pasir seluas 10 kilometer persegi.Suhu di Bromo bisa mencapai 10 derajat celcius, jauh di bawah suhu rata rata normal suhu Indonesia. Bahkan suhu di Bromo bisa mencapai 0 derajat celcius pada saat menjelang pagi hari.
Kunjungan ke Gunung Bromo untuk menikmati SUNRISE, seolah telah menjadi salah satu “MENU WAJIB” bagi wisatawan asing maupun wisatawan domestik yang berkunjung ke Jawa Timur. Bahkan sampai ada sebuah anggapan di kalangan wisatawan, bila belum ke Bromo melihat SUNRISE berarti belum berwisata ke Jawa Timur
Tour anda belum lengkap jika belum mengunjungi GUNUNG BROMO nan EKSOTIS.
Ingin mengunjungi dan menikmati keindahan panorama Gunung Bromo? Kami siap menjadi partner anda “ KAMI MEMBERIKAN PELAYANAN YANG BERBEDA”
Biaya Midnight Sunrise Tour:
Peserta Harga
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1 orang : 1.180.000/orang
2 orang : 690.000/orang
3 orang : 590.000/orang
4 orang : 490.000/orang
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10 orang : 400.000/orang
Fasilitas:
Transportasi all in (Mobil, Driver, BBM)
Snack dan air mineral
Sarapan
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Sulphur Dioxide (SO2)
Sulphur dioxide is one of the most common gases released in volcanic eruptions (following water and carbon dioxide) and is of concern on the global scale due to its potential to influence climate. On the local scale SO2 is a hazard to humans in its gaseous form and also because it oxidises to form sulphate aerosol.
Properties
Exposure Effects
Existing Guidelines
Volcanic Examples and Incidents
References
Volcanic Gases and Aerosols Index
Properties
Sulphur dioxide (SO2) is a colourless gas with a characteristic and irritating smell. This odour is perceptible at different levels depending on the individual's sensitivity, but is generally perceived between 0.3-1.4 ppm and is easily noticeable at 3 ppm (Baxter, 2000; Wellburn, 1994). SO2 is non-flammable, not explosive and relatively stable. It is more than twice as dense as ambient air (2.62 g L-1 at 25°C and 1 atm (Lide, 2003)) and is highly soluble in water (85 g L-1 at 25°C (Gangolli, 1999)). On contact with moist membranes, SO2 forms sulphuric acid (H2SO4), which is responsible for its severe irritant effects on the eyes, mucous membranes and skin (Komarnisky et al., 2003).
Typically, the concentration of SO2 in dilute volcanic plumes is 5 ppm for 5 minutes following gas related fatalities in the 1990's (Ng'Walali et al., 1999). In 2000, Hawaii Volcanoes National Park in collaboration with the USGS Hawaiian Volcano Observatory introduced a set of SO2 advisories to protect staff and visitors to the park (below).
The Hawaii Volcanoes National Park and
Hawaiian Volcano Observatory's SO2 advisory table.
Volcanic Examples and Incidents
Concentrations of sulphur dioxide (SO2) hazardous to human health have been recorded downwind of many volcanoes. The highest concentrations are often seen close to persistently degassing volcanoes:
Kilauea, Hawaii: Ambient concentrations of SO2 in a tourist car park during an episodic increase in activity in 1996 rose to 4.0 ppm (BGVN 21:01), nearly ten times higher than the USA 3-hour concentration guideline. From 1987-2001, the ambient SO2 concentration exceeded the US 24-hour primary health standard on more than 85 occasions at Hawaii Volcanoes National Park Headquarters (Elias, 2002). Such measurements at this popular tourist destination have prompted the introduction of the SO2 guidelines for the park.
Masaya, Nicaragua: Currently actively degassing and in the periods March-April 1998 and February-March 1999 mean concentrations of SO2 measured at downwind sites up to 44 km away had a range of <0.002 - 0.23 ppm (~5-600 µg m-3) (Delmelle et al., 2002). About 30 % of these measurements were above the World Health Organisation (WHO) 24-hour ambient guideline level. Maximum concentrations measured on the Llano Pacaya ridge 14 km away were 0.6 ppm (Horrocks, 2001). In May 2001, the maximum SO2 abundance recorded in the Masaya plume on the edge of the Santiago crater was 3.1 ppm (7950 µg m-3) (Allen et al., 2002). These concentrations indicate a potential risk to the health of the local population and complaints about eye sensitivity and inflammation, bronchitis, sore throats and headaches have been received from local people. It is estimated that ~ 50,000 people are at risk from SO2 and plume induced water pollution in the Masaya region.
Poas, Costa Rica: Residents and scientists in the vicinity of the volcano have complained of eye and throat irritation over time. Long-term measurements of SO2 in populated downwind areas showed mean concentrations up to ~0.28 ppm (730 µg m-3), with short-term measures up to 0.3-0.5 ppm (Nicholson et al., 1996). These levels, observed in 1991 and 1992, exceed the WHO 24-hour ambient guideline values and in some locations exceed the 15-minute level. The highest SO2 levels measured at Poas crater rim were ~ 35 ppm, substantially above all guideline levels.
Villarrica, Chile: SO2 concentrations measured at the crater rim showed that a concentration of 13 ppm (equivalent to the NIOSH 15 min occupational limit for SO2) was often exceeded (Witter and Delmelle, 2004). At the height of the summer tourist season, about 100 tourists climb to the summit of Villarrica volcano per day. A large number of these people are exposed to the noxious gases.
White Island, New Zealand: A pilot health study reported time-averaged measurements of personal exposure to SO2 for a 20 minute period spent downwind of fumaroles of ~6-75 ppm (Durand et al., 2004). These concentrations exceed short-term occupational exposure limits by up to 15 times.
Populations and cities can be seriously affected by SO2 emissions during more explosive volcanic activity:
Soufrière, Guadeloupe: During the 1976 eruption, the population complained of headaches associated with a strong SO2 odour (Le Guern et al., 1980).
Popocatepetl, Mexico: In Mexico City, directly downwind of the persistently active volcano, SO2 concentrations have exceeded 0.08 ppm (160 µg m-3) under the influence of volcanic emissions (Raga et al., 1999). This is more than four times the city's typical monthly average and above most of the recognised annual and 24 hour exposure guidelines.
Sakurajima, Japan: This volcano has been very active in recent history, fumigating a wide region downwind. Maximum hourly SO2 levels in Sakurajima city (~5 km from Sakurajima volcano) in 1980 were 0.84 ppm, exceeding Japanese ambient air quality standards (Yano et al., 1986). From September 1985 to February 1986, monthly average SO2 concentrations measured at the base of Sakurajima ranged from 0.015 ppm to 0.138 ppm, with an average of 0.079 ppm for the period (Kawaratani and Fujita, 1990). Epidemiological investigations into health in the region surrounding the volcano have shown positive associations between SO2 concentrations and adult mortality from bronchitis and neonatal mortality (Shinkuro et al., 1999; Wakisaka et al., 1988).
Miyakejima, Japan: In autumn 2000, southerly and southwesterly winds brought the volcanic gases emitted by Miyakejima to the main island and caused high concentrations of SO2 at many surface stations 100-400 km downwind (e.g. Naoe et al., 2003). At 88 km distance, maximum SO2 surface levels were ~0.114 ppm, compared to 0.0028 ppm at the same time in the previous year (An et al., 2003). At 4.5 km, the maximum recorded hourly concentration was 0.945 ppm. This is more than nine times the Japanese air-quality hourly value. The eruption influenced the air quality of the Tokyo metropolitan area, which has more than 30 million residents, some of whom reported smelling malodorous gas in the city (Fujita et al., 2003). From August to November 2000, SO2 levels at 623 air monitoring stations across Japan exceeded hourly air quality values (Fujita et al., 2003).
Other examples of SO2 concentrations and effects at varying distances:
Concepcion, Nicaragua: SO2 emissions from the crater in 1986 and 1993 measured 8-10 km downwind were sufficient to cause mild fumigation of populated areas (SEAN 11:05; BGVN 18:03).
Cerro Hudson, Chile: Sulphurous fumes on 11 October 1991 were so intense in the Huemules valley on the west flank of the volcano that some inhabitants became sick, resulting in vomiting and loss of consciousness (BGVN 16:09). (It is unclear what the composition of these fumes was and there may have been sulphate aerosol and/or hydrogen sulphide present).
St Augustine, Alaska: The plume from the 1 February 1976 eruption contained concentrations of gaseous sulphur (assumed by the investigators to be all sulphur dioxide) up to 10 ppm close to the volcano and 1 ppm 10 km downwind that caused minor throat irritation (Stith et al., 1978).
Yasur, Vanuatu: Hazardous levels of SO2 have been found in the plume at the crater rim. In September 1988, plume concentrations here were between 3 and 9 ppm (SEAN 13:12), exceeding many occupational air-quality standards.
Popocatepetl, Mexico: Near-vent concentrations of SO2 in February 1997 were ~3.8 ppm (10,000 µg m-3), which is double the NIOSH recommended time-weighted average (Goff et al., 1998).
Telica, Nicaragua: In March-June 1994, sulphur-rich steam from the crater moved down the slopes of the volcano and filled a valley with high concentrations of SO2. A sulphur odour was also reported on the NE slope (BGVN 19:07).
Taal, Philippines: Strong smells of SO2 were observed during the 1911 eruption and it has been suggested (Baxter 1990) that this may have contributed to the mortality caused by the eruption.
In other regions, people living and working close to volcanoes emitting SO2 may be unwittingly at risk from the gas. For example, mean SO2 levels by Lake Furnas in the caldera of the active Furnas volcano, Azores, have been measured at 0.115 ppm. This was recorded in an area where tourists and locals use the fumaroles for cooking and is several times higher than any listed annual guideline and higher than most 1- and 24-hour guideline levels. Levels in Furnas village centre (also in the caldera) had a range of 0.070-0.085 ppm (Baxter et al., 1999), also higher than any annual guideline levels.
Most known incidents related to SO2 poisoning have occurred at Aso volcano in Japan (see table). Here, 7 people have died from SO2 in the past 15 years and 59 people were hospitalised from inhalation of volcanic gas from January 1980 to October 1995. Over half of the fatalities had a history of asthma. Following autopsies of the dead, the SO2 evacuation criteria levels were reduced and strict warnings about the risks of exposure are given to visitors to protect those with asthma and respiratory diseases (Ng'Walali et al., 1999).
Mortality and morbidity incidents associated with volcanic SO2 emissions in the Twentieth Century
(after BGVN 16:09; Hayakawa, 1999; Ng'Walali et al., 1999)
Volcano Date Mortality/Morbidity Further detail
Aso, Japan 12 Feb 1989 1 death 66 yr old male tourist
Aso, Japan 26 Mar 1990 1 death Tourist
Aso, Japan 18 Apr 1990 1 death 78 yr old male tourist
Aso, Japan 19 Oct 1990 1 death 54 yr old female tourist
Hudson, Chile 11 Oct 1991 Some inhabitants became sick,
vomiting and losing consciousness Intense sulphurous fumes in one valley
Kilauea, Hawaii 1993 1 death Tourist with a sulphur sensitivity died in the Halemaumau crater parking lot.
Aso, Japan 29 May 1994 1 death Female 69 yr old tourist
Aso, Japan 23 Nov 1997 2 deaths 62 and 51 yr old male tourists. Levels had reached 5 ppm just prior to their collapse.
Athalya Brenner), Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1993, pp. 77-117.
Please note that most of the italicized words below are English transliterations of the Hebrew words; the bold hot-link numbers in parenthesis are links to endnotes (click on the number to jump to the endnote page); and the numbers in red brackets refer to the upcoming page number of the article. The latter will help for citation purposes.
________________________________________
RETHINKING THE INTERPRETATION OF GENESIS 2.4B-3.24
by Lyn M. Bechtel
[77] Probably the biblical passage that has been most voluminously interpreted is Gen. 2.4b-3.24 (1). Most, and in particular Christian, interpretations of the story are variations on the 'sin and fall' of humanity theme, where the human and woman are created immortal and placed in a paradise. Because they are disobedient and commit the first sin (they overstep the bounds of creatureliness), they fall and are expelled from 'paradise', punished with pain and mortality, and life goes from being completely good in paradise to completely evil in a fallen world radically changed by their sin (2). This interpretation denies the goodness of the structure of the universe (the oppositional forces) and 'life' as presently constituted. All of this has had a strong negative influence on Western culture's view of life.
Although the myth is unquestionably patriarchal in its orientation, many versions of the traditional interpretation have escalated that patriarchal orientation, making the myth a
misogynist's playground. They have suggested that women are secondary, inferior, and should be subordinated to men as their punishment from God for being seductive and responsible for
bringing sin, evil and death into the world. Consequently, it has been used through the centuries as a prooftext for [78] male supremacy and the inferiority and moral weakness of women (3). When all the logical arguments against women's liberation have failed, the chauvinist falls back on this interpretation of the story to show that the subjugation of women is 'ordained' by God from the beginning.. As Phyllis Trible points out, 'Over the centuries this misogynous reading has acquired a status of canonicity so that those who deplore and those who applaud the story agree upon its meaning' (Trible 1978: 73). And as von Rad notes, 'There is perhaps no other biblical text which is so inflexible with regard to this confused mass of stalled questions and whose witness proceeds from a road as narrow as a razor's edge' (von Rad 1961: 75). The pervasiveness of this interpretation of the myth in modern culture, which does not value myths, is incredible.
a. Problems Associated with the Traditional Interpretation
There are enough problems associated with the traditional 'sin and fall' interpretation to suggest that it may not respect the integrity of the text and may not be the most convincing, and certainly not the only or most authoritative, interpretation. Some of the problems need to be reviewed. Probably the most compelling reason to question the 'sin and fall' interpretation is the fact that Adam and Eve and the Gen. 2.4b-3.24 myth in general are not used elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible as an example of sin, fall and punishment despite plentiful opportunities, particularly in the prophets. It is only from the second century BCE onward (beginning with the Wisdom of Ben Sira) that the 'sin and fall' interpretation begins to emerge.
There are many illogical aspects to the 'sin and fall' interpretation. For example, if the man and the woman are created immortal, why are they created sexual? Their sexual potential is evident well before the 'fall', and indeed in 1 Enoch sexuality is necessary because humanity is created mortal. Or, the human is [79] supposedly created immortal, yet the human is created from finite material, the ground ('aphar) of the earth (4). Or, if the garden represents a 'paradise', it should, by definition, be devoid of binary opposition and have only life, goodness, permanence and prosperity. Why has God placed a tree for discernment of good and bad and a snake of evil and death in this paradise? Or if the woman is responsible for bringing evil and death into the world, why is she given the honorable and positive name 'hayya (Eve) Life, mother of all living'? Why does the human not question the eating of the fruit? The woman at least questions and thinks about the action. Why in 3.14-15 is enmity between snakes and women emphasized through parallelism? Is it really critical to fallen human existence? Many people have no such aversion to snakes. Why, after eating the fruit, do the human and woman not fear sin and death but, instead, fear their nakedness? And why is it considered punishment for the human being to be sent out into the world to cultivate the ground from which the human is taken when it has been stated (in 2.5) that humans are intended to cultivate the ground of the earth?
The Tree of Life and the section on the River of Eden (2.10-14) seem to be extraneous, having no meaning for the 'sin and fall' interpretation. This forces scholars to posit that these elements are secondary and do not really belong in the story (5). The myth is too carefully constructed to suggest that it contains sections or elements that are there by mistake.
The traditional 'sin and fall' interpretation talks of a response of guilt for sin, and punishment for that guilt. Yet, there is no 'guilt' or 'sin' vocabulary used (6). Instead, the story talks about a [80] response of 'shame'. In my study of shame in ancient Israel (Bechtel 1991: 47-76) I find that shame and guilt are radically different emotional experiences (a conclusion supported by modem psychology), and that shame is the central means of social control used by society. Scholars have assumed that shame and guilt are synonymous, and have interpreted them both in terms of guilt-because guilt is a modern means of social control for Western society and is, therefore, more familiar. Use of guilt as the central means of social control characterizes a later period, from the third century BCE onward. In light of the important functioning of shame in monarchical society, the implications of the response of shame in the myth should be investigated.
The traditional `sin and fall' interpretation presents a very negative view of life, death and the perception of women as the bringers of sin and death, a view not found elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible. It is, on the other hand, characteristic of thinking from the third century BCE onwards, under the influence of Hellenism.
The story is clearly fraught with mythical elements and symbolism, yet it is generally interpreted as if it were a historical narrative. The symbolic mode of communication of the myth has not been adequately considered (7). A myth is a collective or group product that tells a universal truth in a highly symbolic way. So myth communicates truth through symbols and a symbolic mode of communication. It is truth that has been experienced collectively and developed into a myth over many generations through collective effort. So it is not surprising that myth and the symbolic mode of communication are characteristic of predominantly group-oriented societies, in contrast to the historical mode of communication, which is characteristic of predominantly individual-oriented societies.
One important aspect of the symbolic mode of communication is that language functions on a very different level than is [81] common in historical narrative. So, any emphasis on language or linguistic play in a myth should be taken very seriously. Another important aspect of the symbolic mode is the concept of time. Myth universalizes time by lifting the truth it depicts out of specific history, out of specific time, so that it can apply to any point in history/time. It does so by portraying time as cyclical rather than linear. A final aspect of the symbolic mode is the fact that themes are presented primarily synchronically and symbolically, and only secondarily chronologically as in historical narrative (8).
The Genesis story should be classified and analyzed as myth, with methods that discern the symbolism, the language and the synchronic mythical structure. Levi-Strauss and Edmund Leach have tried unsuccessfully to analyze the story according to mythical conventions, using the 'sin and fall' paradigm. Their lack of success should not suggest a problem with the myth, but a problem with the interpretation of the myth.
Even though myths communicate through symbols, in the traditional 'sin and fall' interpretation the full impact of the symbolism of the trees, water and garden has, for the most part, been ignored because it does not illuminate the interpretation. Furthermore, the completely negative symbolism of the snake in the traditional interpretations is incompatible with snake symbolism in the ancient Near East and in Israel during the monarchy. Most scholars agree that this negative snake symbolism was introduced in the second or third century BCE and is consistent with the world-view of that later period. But since negative symbolism is deemed so central to the traditional 'sin and fall' interpretation, an accurate meaning is often not pursued.
An emphasis on language through wordplays is typical of symbolic communication. Wordplays function as flashing signposts indicating the emphasis of the narrative and relatedness between separate items. Yet in the traditional interpretation most often the wordplays do not function.
All of these problems should indicate that there is a lack of [82] integrity between the traditional interpretation and the text. It is my contention that the 'sin and fall' interpretation develops very slowly during the last centuries of the first millennium BCE (9). The change in interpretation occurs because of and in response to the changes in social, political and economic conditions of those centuries.
Despite the fact that most scholars have recognized the numerous problems associated with this interpretation, a significant number still cling tenaciously to it. Most feminists have recognized the misogynistic misreadings in the traditional 'sin and fall' interpretation, but some still hold to the 'sin and fall' interpretation with its subordination of women (10). Others, rather than question the interpretation, have suggested that the challenge is to transcend the sexism of the traditional interpretation (11). Phyllis Trible and Mieke Bad have attempted to expose and remove the misogynistic misreading' from the traditional 'sin and fall' interpretation (12). It is only recently that there has been questioning of, and a slow movement away from, the `sin and fall' interpretation. Carol Meyers has de-emphasized disobedience, sin and fall and emphasized other existing themes of the text (13). Ellen van Wolde, through an excellent and comprehensive semiotic analysis, has shown the complete absence of the 'sin and fall' theme and, instead, her semiotic [83] analysis reveals the theme of maturation of humanity (van Wolde 1989) (14).
In light of the growing uneasiness with the traditional 'sin and fall' interpretation, it should be rethought and the possibility of 'another' interpretation entertained: an interpretation that would acknowledge the integrity of the text, incorporate all the existing symbols and synchronic themes, give meaning to the elements of the myth that have no meaning in the 'sin and fall' interpretation, and undergird the cultural assumptions and concerns of monarchical society. But to find such an interpretation, it is mandatory for the exegete to liberate her/himself from the assumptions and concerns of the traditional interpretation-the assumption of temptation, disobedience, sin, fall, guilt and curse-and from misogynous perspectives.
One key to finding 'another' interpretation is laying out the symbols and the synchronic themes of the myth since, according to Levi-Strauss myths communicate through symbols and an interplay of binary forces which are found in the synchronic structure. In this article I will expose and interpret the mythic structure, analyzing symbolically and synchronically (rather than diachronically), in order to develop the direction of the interpretation (15). My purpose is to lay the foundation for `another' interpretation and an eventual diachronic narrative analysis. Without the symbolic/ synchronic analysis as a base, a diachronic narrative analysis is less than convincing (16).
[84] b. Symbolic Image: Maturation/Differentiation
One of the most important symbols in the myth is a symbolic image in 2.25: the 'adam (human) and the 'isha (woman) are 'naked' ('erummim) and not ashamed. When in the course of human life would this be true? The conclusion is: in early childhood. Small children are not the least bit ashamed of being seen naked because they have not matured enough to be self-aware, aware of their sexual difference, or conscious of the social implications of public nakedness. They have not begun one particular stage of differentiation or individuation. Later in the story (3.7), as a consequence of interacting with the snake and eating the fruit of the Tree of Knowing, 'their eyes are opened', they 'know' that they are naked ('erummim). In other words, they have become self-aware, aware of their sexual difference, and conscious of the social implications of public nakedness. They have begun to differentiate communally; they are aware of public nakedness and a reaction of shame in the context of community, albeit their parent Adonay Elohim. This is symbolic of a critical stage of maturation. Their response in 3.10 is not 'fear of death', which is the consequence that Adonay Elohim gave for eating of the Tree of Knowing, but 'fear of being naked' ('erom), because in Israelite society the consequence of being publicly naked, for adults, is shame. They have had their first experience of shame as maturing people, so they cover themselves. In a society in which the major means of social control is shame (17), this first experience of shame is critical to the socialization process that accompanies maturation, and would be viewed positively. And in such a society the 'fear' of shame is as important, or more important, as a means of social control, than an actual act of shaming (18). Maturation entails increasing differentiation. So, this section provides the first important clue: the male human and the woman will go through increasing [85] differentiation, in order to progress from immature childhood to mature adulthood (19).
This stage of maturation can be roughly compared to the stage of adolescent individuation and questioning, which is essential to the process of differentiation of the self from parents. This kind of differentiation is not 'rebellion' or 'sin' but natural and critical growth, in which the adolescent begins the quest for mature selfhood, freedom and independence (20). It is not a process of alienation from parents but a maturing of the relationship with the parents. Likewise, in the myth it is not a question of alienation between Adonay Elohim and the humans, but a maturing of their relationship. The implications of that maturing relationship will become evident when the implications of knowing good and bad have been explicated. This stage is a crisis or crossroads in that it is a point of both danger and opportunity, a point of decision and change, a point of personal growth. It is not a 'fall', but movement toward the emergence of human consciousness, freedom, maturity, socialization, and the realization of identity in relation to the group.
One issue that needs to be dealt with before proceeding is the use of the word 'adam I have translated it as generic 'human', (21) to distinguish it from the sexual differentiation implied in 'ish (man). The word 'adam is masculine, requiring masculine pronouns, but when the character in the myth is called 'adam, sexual differentiation or functioning is not indicated. In ch. 2 'adam represents a small child who is unaware of sexual differentiation. In ch. 3 'adam is aware of sexual differentiation, but sexual differentiation or functioning is not essential. When the text wants to emphasize sexual differentiation or functioning, it uses the word 'ish (2.24; 3.6; 3.16).
[86] Are there other indications of the process of differentiation/ maturation? The first level of awareness of differentiation of self from 'the other' comes with the creation of the animals. Up to the point of creating the animals there is no evidence of the 'adam doing or saying anything. The 'adam is an infant or a very small child. When the animals are created, the 'adam differentiates himself from them by sorting them into categories and naming them. The 'adam is learning to differentiate with language. It is interesting to note that when the animals are created, there is no mention of their sexual differentiation. Since the 'adam is still a child, and has not realized sexual differentiation (portrayed by the use of the generic, sexually indifferent term, 'adam), the 'adam certainly would not be able to recognize sexual differentiation in the animals either.
The second level of differentiation/maturation is that of sexual differentiation which begins with the forming of the 'isha. Now the 'adam actually speaks, declaring in 2.23, 'This at last is bone of my bone and flesh of my flesh [unity or similarity]. She shall be called 'isha (woman) for from 'ish (man) she is taken [differentiation or separation]'.
The first stage of differentiation is differentiation of self from other; the second stage is sexual differentiation; and the third stage is communal differentiation.
Another key piece of evidence regarding the process of maturation comes in the dialog in 3.12-13. Neither the 'adam nor the 'isha are able to assume responsibility for their actions. Each places the blame on someone else or on Adonay Elohim. Since assuming responsibility for one's actions represents maturity in its most accomplished state, its absence here signals immaturity. By this point in the story the pair have begun to mature, but maturation is a slow process which begins in the garden and continues throughout adult life in the 'world'.
c. Symbols: Trees
But, can this theme of maturation be supported by the major symbols of the myth? In the archaeological and textual evidence stemming from the ancient Near East during the Middle Bronze Age, one level of symbolism of the tree is that of growth, [87] maturation and the continuation of life from generation to generation through sexual reproduction. It acquires this symbolism because of its slow imperceptible growth (similar to the slow process of human growth); because of its phallus shaped trunk, making it a symbol of male sexuality; because of the production of seeds or fruit, making it a symbol of male and female sexuality (children are often referred to as 'seed'); and because of the shedding of leaves season after season, making it appear to die and begin life anew, over and over in a cyclical fashion (22). In symbolizing both male and female sexuality, it is the ability to produce 'life' generation after generation that is essential. Procreative capacity is something that develops and is realized during the process of maturation. For a predominantly grouporiented society, sexuality and the cyclical continuation of life through the generations of the group is the way they cope with death. Life and death are part of the same cyclical process of life.
1. Tree of Life
In the myth two of the trees have additional symbolism. As a symbol in the ancient Near East, the meaning of the Tree of Life is straightforward? (23) It represents a sense of pure life, life without awareness of binary opposition or death, recurring youth without a sense of progressing toward death (24). At the beginning of the story there are no prohibitions concerning the Tree of Life, [88] because it represents childhood and a child's view of life. When the humans are still children, eating of this tree would simply verify their existing state and view of life. After they have eaten of the Tree of Knowledge, begun to mature, and are being sent forth from the garden into the world, the Tree of Life is prohibited. An immature view of life is fine and even essential for children, but inadequate for adults. The Tree of Life could be called 'the Tree of Immature Knowledge of Life', which means a lack of awareness of binary oppositions and death.
2. Tree of Knowing Good and Bad
The meaning of the Tree of Knowing Good and Bad centers on the root yd', general knowing or broad intellectual, moral, experiential and sexual discernment (25). But knowing what?
Knowing 'good and bad' is the capacity to discern the binary oppositions of life. In the Hebrew Bible, as Ackerman points out, knowing good and bad is human wisdom with all its shortcomings, definitely not knowledge that reaches beyond the limits of human possibility (see Ackermann 1990: 41-60). It is particularly important as a royal capacity, which is seen in the Court
History in 2 Sam. 14.17; 19.35; 1 Kgs 3.7-9 (cf. Deut. 1.39; Isa.7.15-16). This tree could be called 'the Tree of Discernment of Oppositional Forces'. Eating the `fruit' of this tree symbolically begins the process of maturation, which includes sexual maturation (with the procreative potential to produce life) and the awareness of good and bad or oppositional forces. Since this knowledge comes only with maturation, the tree could also be called 'the Tree of Mature Knowledge of Life', and it is only prohibited for children.
Two important aspects of adult knowledge which are subtly embedded in the text are the awareness of the ambiguous nature of life, and the awareness of death. One example of
ambiguity comes in reference to the trees in the garden: [89] Adonay Elohim causes to grow from the ground all the trees that are a delight to see and good to eat, and a Tree of Life in the
midst (26) of the garden, and a Tree of Knowing Good and Bad (2.9). The Tree of Life is in the midst of the garden, but is the Tree of Knowing Good and Bad there also? The text is ambigu-
ous (Brueggemann 1982: 48). Later Adonay Elohim says, 'From the Tree of Knowing Good and Bad do not eat from it' (2.16). In 3.3 the woman says, 'From the fruit of the tree which is in the
midst of the garden Elohim said, "Do not eat from it"'. To which tree does she refer? For the ambiguities of life there are no answers.
Both awareness of ambiguity and awareness of death are combined in the statements of Adonay Elohim and the snake in 2.16-17 and 3.4-5. The chiastic construction of the two state- ments brackets them (adding emphasis), and the use of the infinitive absolute construction conveys ambiguity of meaning. Adonay Elohim says, 'From all the trees certainly you may eat, but from the Tree of Knowing Good and Bad do not eat from it, for when you eat from it certainly you will die' (2.16-17). Does it mean that the 'adam will immediately die or just become aware of the certainty of death? The audience's assumption is expected to be immediate death, yet the humans do not die at once. And immediate death does not appear to be the assumption of the 'adam and 'isha who, after eating of the tree, fear their nakedness and not death. They are still not mature enough to be fully aware of death, let alone fear it (3.7-10). The snake says, 'Certainly you will not die, because Elohim knows that when you eat from it, your eyes will be opened and you will become like Elohim, knowing good and bad' (3.4-5). The snake is correcting the assumption of immediate death and is not dealing with the issue of eventual death, which they have not matured enough to understand. Instead, he deals with what they can understand: the fact that once maturation begins with the eating of the fruit, there is the acquisition of new knowledge like that of the parent Adonay Elohim, knowledge of oppositional forces [90] which, incidentally, includes the awareness of death. The humans are experiencing the ambiguity of life and developing a growing awareness of death. The only thing that has changed is human knowledge and awareness.
d. Symbols: Snake
In the traditional interpretation the snake is often symbolic of evil,(27) temptation, seduction/sexual sin, death, and the causal links among those (28). It has already been noted that the snake is not identified with exclusively negative symbolism until approximately the third century BCE, so snake symbolism during the monarchical period needs to be reviewed. One of the problems in deciphering this symbolism is that the way a culture experiences snakes on a daily basis largely determines the interpretation. In modern culture, which is more technological and less agricultural, snakes are universally disliked. There is an assumption that all people have a dislike for snakes. But this is not necessarily true. Many people are fascinated by them (29). So, in interpreting the symbolism of the snake, care should be taken not to allow cultural prejudices against snakes to color the interpretation.
According to K. Joines's extensive study of snake symbolism in Mesopotamia, Egypt and Israel (30), the snake is a synthesis of recurring youthfulness (because of the ability to shed its skin periodically and so appears to cyclically begin life anew), wisdom and chaos/death. In addition, many scholars have acknowledged that in the ancient Near East the snake is a universal symbol of male sexuality because of its phallic shape. On a practical level, the snake is a wild or uncontrolled animal that is beneficial in cultivated or controlled areas, ridding farms of rodents that consume crops and stored grain. So, snakes are [91] life-protecting. Yet they contain a degree of ambivalence, being a wild/ uncontrolled animal that protects in the cultivated controlled areas. In addition, the snake can often be observed sunning on a rock, giving it a terrestrial or 'known world' orientation. Seconds later it slithers into a hole, giving it a subterranean or 'unknown world' orientation and a further ambivalent quality. And the ambivalent snake is mysterious and fascinating because it is extremely agile, yet it has no visible motor organs. It is a mystery that eludes full perception. Consequently, it characterizes wisdom and is a symbol of the human potential of discernment, particularly the ambivalent or binary qualities of life. And within the wisdom tradition in general, wisdom is life (see Prov. 3.16, where Wisdom is personified as a woman with riches and honor in her left hand and long life in the right hand).
All of these concepts color the symbolic meaning of the snake. But in the Genesis myth the snake is also described as 'arum (shrewdly or cleverly wise). This warrants further amplification. 'Arum is often translated as referring to 'cunning' wisdom, which indicates 'underhandedness'. But this has a negative connotation which is inappropriate. The wisdom referred to here is simply being 'streetwise' about life, it is the shrewdness or cleverness of one's wisdom which allows an inferior person to attain superiority over a superior person. This kind of 'street' wisdom is an ideal within tribal societies (for example, see the wife/sister stories in Gen. 12.10-20; 20.1-18; 26.7-11). In the myth, the Snake of Discernment is associated with the Tree of Discernment.
Over against the potential of the clever wisdom ('arum) of the snake stands the fact that it is shamed ('arur) (31) because it crawls on its belly and eats the dust ('aphar; cf. Isa. 49.23; Mic. 7.17) (32) of [91] the ground. I have purposely chosen to translate 'arur as 'shamed' in regard to the snake. Normally, 'arur is translated 'cursed', and I will translate it that way in reference to the 'ground'. But the snake's bodily position is part of a common shaming technique used in warfare (33). In Israelite society both shaming techniques and cursing are means of social control and limitation, so with either a translation of 'shame' or 'curse' the underlying concept is that of limitation'. In addition, shaming lowers social status, whereas cursing does not have the same degree of status manipulation. Because of the low, inferior bodily position of the snake, 'shamed' seems to be a preferred translation for 'arur here. The ambivalent snake is simultaneously superior, because of its potential of clever wisdom; and inferior, because of the limitation of the shameful position of crawling on its belly. These oppositional forces of its nature are only perceived after maturation has begun, after the human and the woman have eaten of the fruit of knowing good and bad.
And of course, some snakes are poisonous and life-threatening. Because of their life-threatening potential they are also linked with chaos, evil and death. But, interestingly, if you 'know' what kind of snake it is, you will then know if it is beneficial or life-threatening. Knowledge is critical to the experience of the snake!
Most importantly, in the myth the snake functions as a symbol, a symbol of adult male and female sexuality, of the continuation of life through generations, and of mature knowledge of the oppositional forces of life: the life-producing and life-threatening aspects of life, the known and unknown aspects of life, the controlled and uncontrolled aspects of life, superiority and inferiority, potential (wisdom) and limitation. It is a symbol of 'life'. The fact that the snake is a wild, 'natural' animal means that maturation, which it encourages, happens 'naturally', not because of a sin or fall.
[92] e. Symbols: Garden
The garden is a symbolic place. It is a separate place planted by the parent Adonay Elohim after the creation of 'adam (34). It is 'in Eden toward the east', which has led some scholars to try to define an actual geographic location in Mesopotamia (e.g. von Rad 1961: 78). But it must be remembered that language in a myth functions on a highly symbolic level. As many scholars have observed, the Hebrew word 'eden (35) means either 'pleasant/ delight' or "steppe/plain", suggesting a general pleasant environment more than an actual geographic location. To support this, the trees of the garden are described as a delight (nehmad) to see and good to eat (2.9). It is an aesthetically pleasant place, cultivated and controlled by the parent Adonay Elohim. It is 'in the east', symbolic of the beginning of the day or the beginning of life (infancy and childhood). There is no description of oppositional forces in the garden, as there is in the rest of creation (heaven and earth; wild vegetation [siah] and cultivated vegetation/ grains ['eseb] (36) rain from above and subterranean water ('ed) (37) from below), except for a tree that will produce awareness of oppositional forces (the Tree of Mature Knowledge). The presence of this tree indicates that the human will eventually need this awareness of oppositional forces that characterize the outside world. In the garden there are only [94] trees, trees that will provide the sole source of 'nourishment' for the man and woman, trees that are symbolic of growth and maturation. And there is a Tree of Lack of Awareness of Oppositional Forces (the Tree of Life), the tree of childhood and childhood awareness of life. The garden is the place where at first the 'adam lives alone, unaware of differentiation as an individual, unaware of sexual differentiation, and unaware of the oppositional forces that characterize the outside world. The 'adam lives securely, protected, cared for and confined. The garden is symbolic of the pleasant, childhood world created by the parent, Adonay Elohim, but for children only. There is clear differentiation between inside the garden and outside in 'the world' ('eretz). Yet the garden is filled with symbols of maturation. Maturation entails increasing differentiation, and part of the process of differentiation is separation from the childhood world of the garden. From the beginning there is an indication that the 'adam is to return to the world to cultivate/serve ('vd) the 'adama from which the 'adam is taken (3.23). It should be noted that the 'adam is not created from the 'adama of the outside world ('eretz). The garden has not been 'planted' when the 'adam is created. The 'adam must grow up in order to fulfil the original potential.
As a parent prepares young adults to leave home and live on their own, so the parent Adonay Elohim prepares the young humans to leave the garden by clothing them fully (a sign of civilization and maturation), making them socially acceptable to go out into the world (3.21). When they are mature enough, Adonay Elohim sends them forth into the adult world, so that they too can become parents (4.1).
The traditional understanding of the garden has been that of a paradise, coming from the Septuagint translation of Hebrew gan (garden) as Greek paradeisos (enclosed park, pleasure ground). The understanding of 'paradise' has changed over the centuries, to the point that it is now a place void of oppositional forces. That concept, though it is a misunderstanding of the original Greek, can be retained, as long as the garden remains a 'paradise' for children who are unaware of the oppositional forces of life. But it cannot be a place for immature grown-ups who are seeking to escape God's oppositional forces. Thus God [95] places cherubim and a revolving flaming sword to guard the way to the Tree of Life, or Immature Knowledge of Life (3.24). The idea of childhood as a paradise which needs to be protected from outside danger is particularly important in today's world, where children are given guns and stones to fight adult battles of death when they do not even understand the concept of death. Childhood should be a time of delight, a paradise 'cultivated' and 'protected' by parents. The myth, in its wisdom, suggests that, for growing and maturing children, this is the best kind of environment.
f. Symbols: Water
The garden contains one more symbol of the oppositional forces of life: the water of the river. Water is symbolic of death, when it is uncontrolled (too much or too little), and life, when it is controlled, because it produces growth and fertility. Growth is essential for maturation, and the power of fertility is essential for mature male and female sexuality to produce life. The Tree of Knowing, the River of Eden, and the snake have been placed in the garden from the beginning by Adonay Elohim, and are all symbolic of the maturation that will occur. But, at first, the humans are 'naked and not ashamed' in the childhood world of the garden, surrounded by symbols that point to the process of maturation.
g. Word Plays: 'adam/'adama
The next symbols that need to be investigated are wordplays. As stated earlier, wordplays indicate the emphasis of the myth and relatedness between separate items. The initial wordplay is between 'adam (human) and 'adama (ground). Although the word 'adam is masculine, here it represents human beings in general as well as, more specifically, the male character in the myth. The 'adam is originally a unity with the 'adama. In its creation or birth, the 'adam is separated from the 'adama and formed into a nefish hayya (38) (living being). This shows the intimate relatedness or unity between the 'adam and the 'adama and the fact that 'life' is differentiation or separation. Linguistically, there is phonic [97] similarity between the two words. The word 'adam is actually contained in the word 'adama and can be separated from it. This linguistic play lends further emphasis to the 'adam's intimate relatedness to, yet differentiation from, the 'adama. As an adult the 'adam's primary role is life-sustaining: the 'adam is to cultivate/serve ('eved; not exploit or plunder) the 'adama of the world (2.5; 3.23). As a parent the 'adam is also to cultivate/serve ('eved) and protect (shmr) the garden/childhood world (2.15; the reference foreshadows eventual maturation and the parenting role). There is never any indication that the 'adam carries out either function as a child. So maturation is critical.
The human will have multiple relatedness to the 'adama to the animals and to the 'isha (woman). The 'adam's relationship to the animals is on a different level than the 'adam's relationship to the 'adama or the 'isha. The 'adam is related to the animals in that the 'adam and the animals are called nefesh hayya (living being; 2.7; 2.19) and the 'adam and the animals are both formed from the ground 'adama but there is no further wordplay indicating intimacy.
h. Wordplays: 'ish/'isha
The second wordplay is 'ish (man) and 'isha (woman). And here the terms indicate sexual differentiation. It is not a question of the 'adam being sexually undifferentiated before the creation of the woman, but of the 'adam's being unaware of sexual differentiation. When the 'adam has matured enough to be aware of sexual differentiation, the woman is created. The 'isha is originally a unity with the 'ish. In her creation or birth the 'isha is separated from the 'ish. This attempts to account for the powerful physical and psychological draw between the sexes. The intimate tie is stressed by the 'adam's statement that she is 'bone of my bone and flesh of my flesh' (2.23) (39). Linguistically, there is [97] phonic similarity between 'ish and 'isha but, unlike the first wordplay, the word 'isha is not contained in the word 'ish and, therefore, cannot be separated from it. Linguistically, the unity/ separation does not work here (40). This noticeable incongruity points to the main action of the myth: the need for a change, namely, maturation. In the story the 'isha is portrayed as being born or separated from the 'ish in order to establish her physical and psychological unity with him. When the 'isha matures, she will have the ability to produce life; then 'ish will be separated from 'isha (Gen. 4.1), portraying the unity and separation of the birth process. Then, linguistically, the wordplay would work because the word 'ish is contained in and can be separated from the word 'isha. This wordplay shows the relatedness between men and women and the need for maturation in order that the woman produce life.
i. Wordplays: havva/hayya or hay
The woman will also have multiple relatedness. She is related to the man and now, in the third wordplay, she is named havva (41) (Eve) because she gives birth or is the mother of all hay (life/living). This name is only given to her after she is sexually mature and is ready to leave the childhood world of the garden. Sexual maturation is critical for her because her primary role is 'life-producing'. Interestingly, the Hebrew havva is related to the Aramaic hiwya (snake/life) - another way of pointing to the connection between the woman and life (42). Like the man's names, [98] indicating that he is farmer and parent, the two wordplays on the woman's names ('ish/'isha and havva/hayya) emphasize the woman's role as woman/wife and parent. Should it be assumed that the woman's role is restricted to being wife and mother? If so, then it must be assumed that the man's role is restricted to being a farmer and parent.
According to S.N. Kramer (1963: 149), in Akkadian the word for 'rib' and the word for 'life' are interchangeable. Thus, at one point in the development of the myth, the woman may have been the 'Lady of the Rib' and the 'Lady of Life' simultaneously. This wordplay is lost in Hebrew, even though the idea of the creation of the woman from the rib and the idea of the 'mother of life' is retained.
j. Wordplays: 'arum/'erom/'arur
The fourth wordplay ('arum/'erom/'arur) concerns the perception of the symbolism of the snake and its symbolic functioning in the myth. This wordplay is marginally homophonous rather than homonymous. Before maturation begins through the immature awareness of a child, the snake is perceived as only 'arum (cleverly wise). After the human and woman have become aware of being 'erom (naked) and the next stage of maturation has begun, then through the more mature awareness of a young adult the snake is perceived as both 'arum (cleverly wise), superior to the other wild animals, and 'arur (shamed because he crawls on his belly), inferior to the other animals. Now the snake/life is perceived as existing squarely in the tension of the oppositional forces ('arum and 'arur), and the wordplay establishes the snake's critical role in this stage of the maturation process (awareness of being 'erom). It also must be remembered that the parent Adonay Elohim initiates the maturation process through the creation of the animals and the woman; but the critical stage, the acquisition of mature knowledge, has to come through experience in life ('seminars with snakes'; Clines 1990: 46).
[99] k. Synchronic Structure: Oppositional Forces
The last clue for a fresh interpretation of the myth comes from the synchronic or deep structure of the myth, which reveals an interplay of the major oppositional forces that characterize life. Levi-Strauss (1955: 81-106) feels that the meaning of a myth is not found primarily in the 'isolated elements' that one reads diachronically, but in the way these elements are combined synchronically into bundles that share common themes. These bundles form the deep or synchronic structure. To find the bundles, it is necessary to break the myth into the smallest possible sentences or elements and group them together according to theme. Once the bundles of themes have been laid out, the myth can be read synchronically. In the Genesis myth the bundles form pairs of oppositional forces, which the humans will be able to discern upon eating the fruit of the Tree of Knowing Good and Bad. There are four major bundles of
oppositional pairs: unity and separation, potential and limitation, high/superior and low/inferior, and wild/ uncontrolled and cultivated/ controlled. Each of the bundles of oppositional forces not only portrays the binary quality of life in general, but the bundles found in nature also foreshadow their occurrence in the maturation process: images of nature become images of society. Levi-Strauss stresses that human beings need consonance between their perception of social and cosmic levels of experience. When adolescent maturation begins in ch. 3, the foreshadowing ends.
1. Unity and Separation
The unity and separation bundle has already been partially revealed in the wordplays, so it is a good starting point. The first group of unity and separation oppositional forces are found in the text preceding the 'sin and fall' of the traditional interpretation, suggesting that oppositional forces are part of the structure of God's creation, not something that occurs as a
result of the 'fall'. Adonay Elohim makes or 'separates' heaven and earth (2.4b), as Adonay Elohim also 'separates' the 'adam from the 'adama (2.7) and the 'isha from the 'ish: cosmic creation [100] introduces human creation (Trible 1978: 74). (43). Unity and separation describe not only creation but also the life/death process. The 'adam is a unity with the 'adama and birth is separation. Though the 'adam retains a significant degree of the original unity, life is separation. When human beings die, they will once again return to the original unity with the clay/dust of the ground, thus giving death positive value within the overall cyclical life process. Within the unity/separation/unity paradigm, death is not finality or nothingness; it is a return to an original state, a return to the earth, a return to the source of new life. The 'adama (feminine) gives birth to the 'adam (masculine), so death is a type of return to the womb. In forming the woman, the 'adam is put in a deep sleep, returned to a state of unconsciousness: the 'adam is virtually dead. Then from death comes life.
This paradigm portrays the cyclical aspect of life and death as one unified process, one reality. The cyclical nature of life is further accentuated in the myth by the constant use of the
imperfect consecutive tense and participles, to convey the idea of ongoing or repeated action. And to further portray the cyclical nature of life, certain important life stages are repeated
in the myth ('adam's separation from the 'adama [2.7; 3.19, 23], putting the 'adam in the garden [2.8,15], and expelling him from the childhood world of the garden [3.23, 24]).
In the section on the River of Eden (2.10-14), which some exegetes feel has no meaning in the story, (44) nature offers a paradigm, a foreshadowing, of the unity and separation which
will characterize the overall life process and the maturation process. The river functions symbolically and also, to a limited degree only, geographically. There is one river in the garden
(childhood world), signifying original unity or the lack of differentiation of infancy. But Adonay Elohim has said that it is [101] not good to be alone or have a lack of differentiation (2.18). Next the river separates into four heads or rivers, signifying increased separation or differentiation which characterizes the maturation process. So far the river has functioned symbolically. Each of the four rivers (45), which may geographically symbolize the cardinal points of the compass, encircles one fourth of the world, thus together they encircle the entire world, creating a symbol of unity or wholeness characteristic of maturity at its best or most accomplished.
The mention of gold, (46) bde
do you have any plants at home ?
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