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Indonésien

The people don't know their true power

Anglais

betapa q mencintaimu

Dernière mise à jour : 2014-11-17
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Indonésien

Menampar %s...to pinch someone on their butt

Anglais

Slapping %s...

Dernière mise à jour : 2014-08-15
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Indonésien

your child's character is more important than their grades

Anglais

terjemahan bhs inggris keindonesia

Dernière mise à jour : 2016-10-12
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Indonésien

The young people also want to improve their lives for future

Anglais

Get Well Really Soon

Dernière mise à jour : 2013-10-09
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Indonésien

hallowen by putting crafted pumkins in front of their houses

Anglais

Factors Influencing the Growth Rates of Three mmercial Eucheumoids at Coastal Sites in Southern Kenya

Dernière mise à jour : 2017-05-03
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Indonésien

hallowen by putting crafted pumkins in front of their houses

Anglais

google terjemahan inggris-indonesia

Dernière mise à jour : 2015-02-03
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Indonésien

Be Kind. Everyone you meet is fighting their own battlehow are pleased to meet you

Anglais

kau sempat ucapkan pisah saat aku beranjak pergi

Dernière mise à jour : 2013-05-15
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Indonésien

Sebuah posting blog di The Perception and Self-Perception of Women and Their Effects on Health Globally menguraikan undang-undang ini:

Anglais

A blog post on The Perception and Self-Perception of Women and Their Effects on Health Globally elaborates on these laws:

Dernière mise à jour : 2016-02-24
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Indonésien

translationhe successful person has the habit of doing things that are not liked by the malas.Orang success itself actually did not like doing it, but their distaste conquered by the force of their goals

Anglais

terjemahanhe successful person has the habit of doing things that are not liked by the malas.Orang success itself actually did not like doing it, but their distaste conquered by the force of their goals

Dernière mise à jour : 2013-02-10
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Indonésien

While José Mourinho does not expect Real Madrid CF to lack for motivation, Fatih Terim wants Galatasaray AŞ "to overcome their limits and keep on growing" once again.terjemahan

Anglais

While José Mourinho does not expect Real Madrid CF to lack for motivation, Fatih Terim wants Galatasaray AŞ "to overcome their limits and keep on growing" once again.Translation

Dernière mise à jour : 2013-04-03
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Indonésien

Pavel Sarwar, CEO sebuah startup piranti lunak di Bangladesh, berbagi foto berbau humor dibawah ini di akun Facebook dengan tulisan: Many Bangladeshis shared their reactions to the launch on social media.

Anglais

Pavel Sarwar, CEO of a software startup in Bangladesh, posted a humorous photo on Facebook with the caption:

Dernière mise à jour : 2016-02-24
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Indonésien

General principles of international criminal law International criminal law is the body of law that prohibits certain categories of conduct deemed to be serious crimes, regulates procedures governing investigation, prosecution and punishment of those categories of conduct, and holds perpetrators individually accountable for their commission. The repression of serious violations of international humanitarian law is essential for ensuring respect for this branch of law, particularly in view of the gravity of certain violations, qualified as war crimes, which it is in the interest of the international community as a whole to punish. There are several basic principles upon which international criminal law is based. Since international crimes increasingly include extraterritorial elements, requiring enhanced interaction between States, it is becoming more pressing to coordinate respect for these principles. States must uphold them while also respecting their own national principles of criminal law and any specific principles outlined in the instruments of the regional bodies to which they are party. Bases of jurisdiction A State exercises jurisdiction within its own territory. Such jurisdiction includes the power to make law, to interpret or apply the law, and to take action to enforce the law. While enforcement jurisdiction is generally limited to national territory, international law recognizes that in certain circumstances a State may legislate for, or adjudicate on, events occurring outside its territory. A number of principles have been invoked as the basis for extraterritorial jurisdiction. These include: · the nationality or active personality principle (acts committed by persons having the nationality of the forum State); · the passive personality principle (acts committed against nationals of the forum State); or · the protective principle (acts affecting the security of the State). While these principles enjoy varying levels of support in State practice and opinion, they all require some link between the act committed and the State asserting jurisdiction. Universal jurisdiction, a further basis for asserting extraterritorial jurisdiction, requires no such link. Universal jurisdiction is the assertion of jurisdiction over offences regardless of the place where they were committed and the nationalities of the perpetrator or of the victims. Universal jurisdiction is held to apply to the core international crimes, namely war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide, whose repression by all States is justified or required as a matter of international public policy and by certain international treaties.1 Statutory limitations Time-barring, or the application of a statutory limitation on legal action in the event of an offence, may relate to either of two aspects of legal proceedings. · The time bar may apply to prosecution: if a certain time has elapsed since the breach was committed, this would mean that no public action could be taken and that no verdict could be reached. · The limitation may apply only to the application of the sentence itself: in this case, the fact that a certain amount of time had elapsed would mean that the criminal sentence could not be applied. 1 For a more in-depth discussion of universal jurisdiction, please refer to the Advisory Service Factsheet entitled “Universal jurisdiction over war crimes”. Most legal systems have time bars for minor offences. But for serious crimes, several legal systems, in particular those based on common law, do not permit a time bar for prosecution. Legislatures in countries where civil law prevails have either established time bars for serious crimes that are much longer than those for misdemeanours, or excluded this type of crime altogether from the effect of statutory time limitations. The time-barring of the application of criminal penalties is less prevalent. It does not exist at all in common law, and is extremely restricted in other systems. Where it does exist, the time bars are generally very long for the most serious offences and do not apply for certain types of offences or in cases involving dangerous or repeat offenders. The absence of statutory limitations for certain crimes in international law The 1949 Geneva Conventions and their 1977 Additional Protocols are silent on the subject of time bars for war crimes. The United Nations Convention on the Non-Applicability of Statutory Limitations to War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity applies to both prosecution and application of sentences, and covers war crimes – in particular grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions – and crimes against humanity, including apartheid and genocide, committed in times of war and of peace. It is retroactively effective, insofar as it abolishes time bars that had previously been established pursuant to laws or to other enactments. Further, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) stipulates the nonapplicability of statutory limitations for war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide and the crime of aggression (Art. 29). Customary international law Several factors have helped bring to the fore the customary nature of war crimes and crimes against humanity and the non-applicability of statutory limitations to them: · the growing number of States having stipulated the non-applicability of statutory limitations to these crimes in their penal legislation; · the codification of this concept in Article 29 of the ICC Statute, which its drafters considered crucial to preventing impunity for these crimes; · the growing number of States party to United Nations and Council of Europe conventions. Nullum crimen, nulla poena sine lege Also known as the principle of legality, this principle, which is enshrined in Article 15 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, states that no one may be convicted or punished for an act or omission that did not violate a penal law in existence at the time it was committed. Therefore, the existence of a particular crime depends on the existence of legislation stating that the particular act is an offence, and for a specific penalty to be imposed for that offence, the legislation in force at the time of its commission must include that particular penalty as one of the possible sanctions for that crime. The purpose of this principle is to ensure that legislation is specific and predictable so that individuals may reasonably foresee the legal consequences of their actions. The ICC Statute contains a specific provision on the principle of legality (Art. 22). The principle of legality is associated with the principle of non-retroactivity, the principle of specificity, and the prohibition of analogy. The principle of non-retroactivity states that the law proscribing a given act must have existed before the act in question occurred. As such, this principle prohibits the retroactive application of the law. The principle of specificity requires that the definition of the proscribed act be sufficiently precise, while the prohibition of analogy requires the definition to be strictly construed. Ne bis in idem This Latin maxim enunciates the principle that no person should be tried or punished more than once for the same crime. It ensures fairness for defendants since they can be sure that the judgment will be final and protects against arbitrary or malicious prosecution at both domestic and international level. Further, this principle endeavours to ensure that investigations and prosecutions are scrupulously initiated and carried out. It is important to note that the specific application of ne bis in idem at the international level depends upon its formulation in the relevant statutes of international tribunals. For example, the Statutes of the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and Rwanda (ICTR) provide that no national court may try a person for acts already tried before the international tribunal, while under certain specific circumstances the international tribunal may try a person that a national court has already tried. The ICC Statute provides for a slightly different application of the principle of ne bis in idem in that a person may be tried at national level for conduct which already constituted the basis of a conviction by the ICC. The ICTY, ICTR and ICC Statutes all provide for the possibility of trying an individual for conduct that was already the subject of proceedings at national level where the proceedings were designed to shield the person from criminal responsibility at international level (Art. 10(2)(b), ICTY Statute; Art 9(2)(b), ICTR Statute; Art. 20(3)(a), ICC Statute). 03/2014 Forms of criminal responsibility Individual criminal responsibility International criminal law allows for individuals to be held criminally responsible not only for committing war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide, but also for attempting, assisting in, facilitating or aiding and abetting the commission of such crimes. Individuals may also be held criminally responsible for planning and even instigating the commission of such crimes. Command responsibility Violations of international criminal law can also result from a failure to act. Armed forces or groups are generally placed under a command that is responsible for the conduct of its subordinates. As a result, in order to make the system effective, hierarchical superiors should be held to account when they fail to take proper measures to prevent their subordinates from committing serious violations of international humanitarian law. They may therefore be held to be criminally responsible for criminal activities to which they made no personal contribution.2 Immunit y Immunities flow from the idea of State sovereignty. Traditionally, State representatives were granted immunity from foreign jurisdiction. The purpose of immunity is to allow State representatives to effectively exercise their official functions and represent the State in international relations. Two types of immunity have emerged. 2 For more information , please refer to the Advisory Service Factsheet entitled “Command responsibility and failure to act”. · Personal immunity protects the acts of persons essential to a State’s administration, whether in their personal or official capacity , for the duration of their term in office. · Functional immunity protects official acts of State representatives carrying out their functions for the State and continues to protect those acts after the end of their term in office. Immunity thus acts as a procedural bar to the initiation of proceedings against protected persons by foreign jurisdictions; the official’s State of nationality may nevertheless waive the immunity. The ICTY, ICTR and ICC Statutes explicitly exclude the availability of functional immunities in cases of international crimes (Art. 7(2), ICTY Statute; Art. 6(2), ICTR Statute; Art. 27(1), ICC Statute). Only the ICC Statute expressly excludes the availability of personal immunities in cases of international crimes (Art. 27(2)). Indeed, the ICC Statute goes so far as to require States to remove immunities regarding the perpetration of international crimes by enacting appropriate legislation in

Anglais

General principles of international criminal law International criminal law is the body of law that prohibits certain categories of conduct deemed to be serious crimes, regulates procedures governing investigation, prosecution and punishment of those categories of conduct, and holds perpetrators individually accountable for their commission. The repression of serious violations of international humanitarian law is essential for ensuring respect for this branch of law, particularly in view of the gravity of certain violations, qualified as war crimes, which it is in the interest of the international community as a whole to punish. There are several basic principles upon which international criminal law is based. Since international crimes increasingly include extraterritorial elements, requiring enhanced interaction between States, it is becoming more pressing to coordinate respect for these principles. States must uphold them while also respecting their own national principles of criminal law and any specific principles outlined in the instruments of the regional bodies to which they are party. Bases of jurisdiction A State exercises jurisdiction within its own territory. Such jurisdiction includes the power to make law, to interpret or apply the law, and to take action to enforce the law. While enforcement jurisdiction is generally limited to national territory, international law recognizes that in certain circumstances a State may legislate for, or adjudicate on, events occurring outside its territory. A number of principles have been invoked as the basis for extraterritorial jurisdiction. These include: · the nationality or active personality principle (acts committed by persons having the nationality of the forum State); · the passive personality principle (acts committed against nationals of the forum State); or · the protective principle (acts affecting the security of the State). While these principles enjoy varying levels of support in State practice and opinion, they all require some link between the act committed and the State asserting jurisdiction. Universal jurisdiction, a further basis for asserting extraterritorial jurisdiction, requires no such link. Universal jurisdiction is the assertion of jurisdiction over offences regardless of the place where they were committed and the nationalities of the perpetrator or of the victims. Universal jurisdiction is held to apply to the core international crimes, namely war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide, whose repression by all States is justified or required as a matter of international public policy and by certain international treaties.1 Statutory limitations Time-barring, or the application of a statutory limitation on legal action in the event of an offence, may relate to either of two aspects of legal proceedings. · The time bar may apply to prosecution: if a certain time has elapsed since the breach was committed, this would mean that no public action could be taken and that no verdict could be reached. · The limitation may apply only to the application of the sentence itself: in this case, the fact that a certain amount of time had elapsed would mean that the criminal sentence could not be applied. 1 For a more in-depth discussion of universal jurisdiction, please refer to the Advisory Service Factsheet entitled “Universal jurisdiction over war crimes”. Most legal systems have time bars for minor offences. But for serious crimes, several legal systems, in particular those based on common law, do not permit a time bar for prosecution. Legislatures in countries where civil law prevails have either established time bars for serious crimes that are much longer than those for misdemeanours, or excluded this type of crime altogether from the effect of statutory time limitations. The time-barring of the application of criminal penalties is less prevalent. It does not exist at all in common law, and is extremely restricted in other systems. Where it does exist, the time bars are generally very long for the most serious offences and do not apply for certain types of offences or in cases involving dangerous or repeat offenders. The absence of statutory limitations for certain crimes in international law The 1949 Geneva Conventions and their 1977 Additional Protocols are silent on the subject of time bars for war crimes. The United Nations Convention on the Non-Applicability of Statutory Limitations to War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity applies to both prosecution and application of sentences, and covers war crimes – in particular grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions – and crimes against humanity, including apartheid and genocide, committed in times of war and of peace. It is retroactively effective, insofar as it abolishes time bars that had previously been established pursuant to laws or to other enactments. Further, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) stipulates the nonapplicability of statutory limitations for war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide and the crime of aggression (Art. 29). Customary international law Several factors have helped bring to the fore the customary nature of war crimes and crimes against humanity and the non-applicability of statutory limitations to them: · the growing number of States having stipulated the non-applicability of statutory limitations to these crimes in their penal legislation; · the codification of this concept in Article 29 of the ICC Statute, which its drafters considered crucial to preventing impunity for these crimes; · the growing number of States party to United Nations and Council of Europe conventions. Nullum crimen, nulla poena sine lege Also known as the principle of legality, this principle, which is enshrined in Article 15 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, states that no one may be convicted or punished for an act or omission that did not violate a penal law in existence at the time it was committed. Therefore, the existence of a particular crime depends on the existence of legislation stating that the particular act is an offence, and for a specific penalty to be imposed for that offence, the legislation in force at the time of its commission must include that particular penalty as one of the possible sanctions for that crime. The purpose of this principle is to ensure that legislation is specific and predictable so that individuals may reasonably foresee the legal consequences of their actions. The ICC Statute contains a specific provision on the principle of legality (Art. 22). The principle of legality is associated with the principle of non-retroactivity, the principle of specificity, and the prohibition of analogy. The principle of non-retroactivity states that the law proscribing a given act must have existed before the act in question occurred. As such, this principle prohibits the retroactive application of the law. The principle of specificity requires that the definition of the proscribed act be sufficiently precise, while the prohibition of analogy requires the definition to be strictly construed. Ne bis in idem This Latin maxim enunciates the principle that no person should be tried or punished more than once for the same crime. It ensures fairness for defendants since they can be sure that the judgment will be final and protects against arbitrary or malicious prosecution at both domestic and international level. Further, this principle endeavours to ensure that investigations and prosecutions are scrupulously initiated and carried out. It is important to note that the specific application of ne bis in idem at the international level depends upon its formulation in the relevant statutes of international tribunals. For example, the Statutes of the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and Rwanda (ICTR) provide that no national court may try a person for acts already tried before the international tribunal, while under certain specific circumstances the international tribunal may try a person that a national court has already tried. The ICC Statute provides for a slightly different application of the principle of ne bis in idem in that a person may be tried at national level for conduct which already constituted the basis of a conviction by the ICC. The ICTY, ICTR and ICC Statutes all provide for the possibility of trying an individual for conduct that was already the subject of proceedings at national level where the proceedings were designed to shield the person from criminal responsibility at international level (Art. 10(2)(b), ICTY Statute; Art 9(2)(b), ICTR Statute; Art. 20(3)(a), ICC Statute). 03/2014 Forms of criminal responsibility Individual criminal responsibility International criminal law allows for individuals to be held criminally responsible not only for committing war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide, but also for attempting, assisting in, facilitating or aiding and abetting the commission of such crimes. Individuals may also be held criminally responsible for planning and even instigating the commission of such crimes. Command responsibility Violations of international criminal law can also result from a failure to act. Armed forces or groups are generally placed under a command that is responsible for the conduct of its subordinates. As a result, in order to make the system effective, hierarchical superiors should be held to account when they fail to take proper measures to prevent their subordinates from committing serious violations of international humanitarian law. They may therefore be held to be criminally responsible for criminal activities to which they made no personal contribution.2 Immunit y Immunities flow from the idea of State sovereignty. Traditionally, State representatives were granted immunity from foreign jurisdiction. The purpose of immunity is to allow State representatives to effectively exercise their official functions and represent the State in international relations. Two types of immunity have emerged. 2 For more information , please refer to the Advisory Service Factsheet entitled “Command responsibility and failure to act”. · Personal immunity protects the acts of persons essential to a State’s administration, whether in their personal or official capacity , for the duration of their term in office. · Functional immunity protects official acts of State representatives carrying out their functions for the State and continues to protect those acts after the end of their term in office. Immunity thus acts as a procedural bar to the initiation of proceedings against protected persons by foreign jurisdictions; the official’s State of nationality may nevertheless waive the immunity. The ICTY, ICTR and ICC Statutes explicitly exclude the availability of functional immunities in cases of international crimes (Art. 7(2), ICTY Statute; Art. 6(2), ICTR Statute; Art. 27(1), ICC Statute). Only the ICC Statute expressly excludes the availability of personal immunities in cases of international crimes (Art. 27(2)). Indeed, the ICC Statute goes so far as to require States to remove immunities regarding the perpetration of international crimes by enacting appropriate legislation in their national law (Arts 27 and 88). In practice, the ICTY indicted two sitting Heads of State although the court’s jurisdiction was only effectively exercised once they had left office. The waiver of immunity is qualified in Article 98(1) of the ICC Statute with respect to non -p

Dernière mise à jour : 2017-02-09
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Indonésien

Hundreds of parents thronged the Jakarta Education Agency'€™s office in Kuningan, South Jakarta, to report problems with the online school registration system on Friday. During their visit to the agency'€™s office, the parents expressed their dissatisfaction with the online system, which according to them was disorganized and made it difficult for them to register their children for enrollment in public schools. Riki Setyanto, one of the parents, said that he had registered his daughter for enrollment at state vocational high school SMKN 47 Jakarta but she then got rejected due to the minimum height policy applied by the state-run school. However, he added, his daughter was also turned down after she registered at a different school because her name was still listed for SMKN 47 Jakarta. '€œFirst my daughter was rejected because of her height, and now due to technical issues, she can'€™t register at any school. I just want to get her into a good school,'€ he said, adding that he hoped the agency could solve the problems as soon as possible. Nuraisyah Paransa, another parent, also said that she was unable to register her son at any state-run high school due to similar technical problems. She said that her son was initially accepted at a public East Jakarta school through the public admission phase. However, he did not re-register with that school as he wanted to shoot for a better state-run school through the local admission phase. '€œBut the second school rejected him because it said that he had been accepted through the public admission phase. Since my son did not re-register at the first school, now he isn'€™t registered anywhere,'€ she said. The online registration system has been applied in the capital since 2004. No such problems occurred with the previous registration system. This year'€™s student admission system has three phases: public admission, where students vie for seats with other students throughout the country; local admission, where students compete with others in the same province; and third admission, where students who did not get accepted during first and second admission resubmit their applications. Lasro Marbun, head of the Jakarta Education Agency, said that anyone who did not re-register in the public admission phase and was unable to register during local admission or third admission, could register their children at private schools. '€œThey can then transfer them to a public school in the second semester,'€ he said on Thursday as quoted by kompas.com. However, Rida Afrida, who wanted to register her son at state junior high school SMP 194, did not agree with that idea. According to her, a lot of people have chosen public schools over private schools for financial reasons. '€œI cannot pay for a private school, if he thinks that is a good alternative for us, he should just give us the money to pay for those schools,'€ she said. Meanwhile, acting Jakarta governor Basuki '€œAhok'€ Tjahaja Purnama said that the parents should be patient and not panic.

Anglais

Hundreds of parents thronged the Jakarta Education Agency'€™s office in Kuningan, South Jakarta, to report problems with the online school registration system on Friday. During their visit to the agency'€™s office, the parents expressed their dissatisfaction with the online system, which according to them was disorganized and made it difficult for them to register their children for enrollment in public schools. Riki Setyanto, one of the parents, said that he had registered his daughter for enrollment at state vocational high school SMKN 47 Jakarta but she then got rejected due to the minimum height policy applied by the state-run school. However, he added, his daughter was also turned down after she registered at a different school because her name was still listed for SMKN 47 Jakarta. '€œFirst my daughter was rejected because of her height, and now due to technical issues, she can'€™t register at any school. I just want to get her into a good school,'€ he said, adding that he hoped the agency could solve the problems as soon as possible. Nuraisyah Paransa, another parent, also said that she was unable to register her son at any state-run high school due to similar technical problems. She said that her son was initially accepted at a public East Jakarta school through the public admission phase. However, he did not re-register with that school as he wanted to shoot for a better state-run school through the local admission phase. '€œBut the second school rejected him because it said that he had been accepted through the public admission phase. Since my son did not re-register at the first school, now he isn'€™t registered anywhere,'€ she said. The online registration system has been applied in the capital since 2004. No such problems occurred with the previous registration system. This year'€™s student admission system has three phases: public admission, where students vie for seats with other students throughout the country; local admission, where students compete with others in the same province; and third admission, where students who did not get accepted during first and second admission resubmit their applications. Lasro Marbun, head of the Jakarta Education Agency, said that anyone who did not re-register in the public admission phase and was unable to register during local admission or third admission, could register their children at private schools. '€œThey can then transfer them to a public school in the second semester,'€ he said on Thursday as quoted by kompas.com. However, Rida Afrida, who wanted to register her son at state junior high school SMP 194, did not agree with that idea. According to her, a lot of people have chosen public schools over private schools for financial reasons. '€œI cannot pay for a private school, if he thinks that is a good alternative for us, he should just give us the money to pay for those schools,'€ she said. Meanwhile, acting Jakarta governor Basuki '€œAhok'€ Tjahaja Purnama said that the parents should be patient and not panic. '€œWe had no problems last year. The process might be a little complicated but there'€™s no reason to panic,'€ Ahok told reporters at City Hall

Dernière mise à jour : 2016-10-12
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Indonésien

NIH U.S. National Library of Medicine National Center for Biotechnology Information PubChem logo OPENCHEMISTRYDATABASE Compound Summary for CID 10943 PubChem compound 1,3-DICHLOROBENZENE 1,3-DICHLOROBENZENE Vendors Pharmacology Literature Patents Bioactivities 1,3-DICHLOROBENZENE_small.png PubChem CID: 10943 Chemical Names: 1,3-DICHLOROBENZENE; M-Dichlorobenzene; 541-73-1; Meta-Dichlorobenzene; M-Dichlorobenzol; Benzene, 1,3-dichloro-; More... Molecular Formula: C6H4Cl2 Molecular Weight: 147.00196 g/mol InChI Key: ZPQOPVIELGIULI-UHFFFAOYSA-N UNII: 75W0WNE5FP Safety Summary: Laboratory Chemical Safety Summary (LCSS) Modify Date: 2016-04-02 Create Date: 2005-03-26 There are three dichlorobenzene isomers- 1,2-dichlorobenzene, 1,3-dichlorobenzene, and 1,4-dichlorobenzene. Dichlorobenzenes do not occur naturally. 1,2-Dichlorobenzene is a colorless to pale yellow liquid used to make herbicides. 1,3- Dichlorobenzene is a colorless liquid used to make herbicides, insecticides, medicine, and dyes. 1,4-Dichlorobenzene, the most important of the three chemicals, is a colorless to white solid with a strong, pungent odor. When exposed to air, it slowly changes from a solid to a vapor. Most people can smell 1,4- dichlorobenzene in the air at very low levels. 2D Structure 3D Conformer Names and Identifiers Chemical and Physical Properties Related Records Chemical Vendors Pharmacology and Biochemistry Use and Manufacturing Identification Safety and Hazards Toxicity Literature Patents Biomolecular Interactions and Pathways Biological Test Results Classification Information Sources 2D Structure 1,3-DICHLOROBENZENE.png 3D Conformer Names and Identifiers Computed Descriptors IUPAC Name 1,3-dichlorobenzene InChI InChI=1S/C6H4Cl2/c7-5-2-1-3-6(8)4-5/h1-4H InChI Key ZPQOPVIELGIULI-UHFFFAOYSA-N Canonical SMILES C1=CC(=CC(=C1)Cl)Cl Other Identifiers CAS 541-73-1 EC Number 208-792-1 ICSC Number 1095 RTECS Number CZ4499000 UN Number 2810 1993 UNII 75W0WNE5FP Wikipedia Wikipedia 1,3-dichlorobenzene Synonyms MeSH Synonyms 1,3-dichlorobenzene m-dichlorobenzene Depositor-Supplied Synonyms 1,3-DICHLOROBENZENE m-Dichlorobenzene 541-73-1 meta-Dichlorobenzene m-Dichlorobenzol Benzene, 1,3-dichloro- m-Phenylene dichloride Benzene, m-dichloro- Metadichlorobenzene m-Phenylenedichloride m-DCB 1,3-dichloro-benzene NSC 8754 RCRA waste no. U071 UNII-75W0WNE5FP CCRIS 4259 HSDB 522 CHEBI:36693 ZPQOPVIELGIULI-UHFFFAOYSA-N EINECS 208-792-1 2,4-dichlorobenzene AI3-15517 DSSTox_CID_2056 DSSTox_RID_76473 DSSTox_GSID_22056 1,3-Dichlorobenzene solution CAS-541-73-1 m-dichlorobenzen 3-dichlorobenzene MDCB PubChem13088 ACMC-209tea 1,3-bis(chloranyl)benzene AC1L1WA5 75W0WNE5FP SCHEMBL28140 M-DICHLOROBENZENE 99 KSC255M9B MLS001050090 35350_ALDRICH 40214_SUPELCO 48523_SUPELCO 48638_SUPELCO CHEMBL45235 113808_ALDRICH 36708_RIEDEL PARAGOS 530110 35350_FLUKA 36708_FLUKA NSC8754 MolPort-003-925-956 LABOTEST-BB LTBB002096 LTBB002096 ZINC388095 CS-B0931 NSC-8754 Tox21_202179 Tox21_300005 ANW-42368 LS-207 AKOS009031576 AS00251 MCULE-4362550696 RP21109 RTR-019159 TRA0127964 NCGC00091197-01 NCGC00091197-02 NCGC00091197-03 NCGC00253960-01 NCGC00259728-01 AJ-20426 AK114310 AN-21339 BC205103 CJ-03113 KB-78294 OR001079 SMR001216526 ZB011284 ST2414814 TR-019159 D0333 FT-0606649 FT-0657417 S0665 C19397 28316-EP2269986A1 28316-EP2287141A1 28316-EP2305655A2 28316-EP2314577A1 A830009 3B4-2898 I01-3651 J-503894 InChI=1/C6H4Cl2/c7-5-2-1-3-6(8)4-5/h1-4 UNII-F56X88UAJQ component ZPQOPVIELGIULI-UHFFFAOYSA-N 46536A91-5C63-4685-94E2-E2FAB9C3B34D 1,3-DICHLOROBENZENE (SEE ALSO: 1,2-DICHLOROBENZENE (95-50-1) & 1,4-DICHLOROBENZENE (106-46-7)) 63697-17-6 Chemical and Physical Properties Computed Properties Molecular Weight 147.00196 g/mol Molecular Formula C6H4Cl2 XLogP3 3.5 Hydrogen Bond Donor Count 0 Hydrogen Bond Acceptor Count 0 Rotatable Bond Count 0 Exact Mass 145.969005 g/mol Monoisotopic Mass 145.969005 g/mol Topological Polar Surface Area 0 A^2 Heavy Atom Count 8 Formal Charge 0 Complexity 64.9 Isotope Atom Count 0 Defined Atom Stereocenter Count 0 Undefined Atom Stereocenter Count 0 Defined Bond Stereocenter Count 0 Undefined Bond Stereocenter Count 0 Covalently-Bonded Unit Count 1 Experimental Properties Physical Description COLOURLESS LIQUID. Liquid Color Colorless liquid Lewis, R.J. Sr.; Hawley's Condensed Chemical Dictionary 14th Edition. John Wiley & Sons, Inc. New York, NY 2001., p. 359 Boiling Point 173 deg C Lide, D.R. CRC Handbook of Chemistry and Physics 86TH Edition 2005-2006. CRC Press, Taylor & Francis, Boca Raton, FL 2005, p. 3-150 173°C Melting Point -24.8 deg C Lide, D.R. CRC Handbook of Chemistry and Physics 86TH Edition 2005-2006. CRC Press, Taylor & Francis, Boca Raton, FL 2005, p. 3-150 -24.8°C Flash Point 63°C 63°C closed cup Solubility Sol in ethanol, ether; very soluble in acetone Lide, D.R. CRC Handbook of Chemistry and Physics 86TH Edition 2005-2006. CRC Press, Taylor & Francis, Boca Raton, FL 2005, p. 3-150 In water, 125 mg/L at 25 deg C Miller MM et al; J Chem Eng Data 29:184-90 (1984) in water: none Density 1.2884 at 20 deg C/4 deg C Lide, D.R. CRC Handbook of Chemistry and Physics 86TH Edition 2005-2006. CRC Press, Taylor & Francis, Boca Raton, FL 2005, p. 3-150 (water = 1): 1.288 Vapor Density (air = 1): 5.1 Vapor Pressure 2.15 mm Hg at 25 deg C Daubert, T.E., R.P. Danner. Physical and Thermodynamic Properties of Pure Chemicals Data Compilation. Washington, D.C.: Taylor and Francis, 1989. Vapour pressure kPa at 25°C: 0.286 0.286 kPa @ 25°C LogP log Kow = 3.53 Hansch, C., Leo, A., D. Hoekman. Exploring QSAR - Hydrophobic, Electronic, and Steric Constants. Washington, DC: American Chemical Society., 1995., p. 17 3.53 Auto-Ignition >500 deg C European Chemicals Bureau; IUCLID Dataset, 1,3-Dichlorobenzene (541-73-1) p.12 (2000 CD-ROM edition). Available from, as of January 10, 2008: http://esis.jrc.ec.europa.eu/ Decomposition When heated to decomposition it emits toxic /hydrogen chloride/ fumes. Lewis, R.J. Sr. (ed) Sax's Dangerous Properties of Industrial Materials. 11th Edition. Wiley-Interscience, Wiley & Sons, Inc. Hoboken, NJ. 2004., p. 1174 Viscosity 1.044 mPa.s at 25 deg C Lide, D.R. CRC Handbook of Chemistry and Physics 86TH Edition 2005-2006. CRC Press, Taylor & Francis, Boca Raton, FL 2005, p. 6-177 Heat of Vaporization 296.8 J/g Kirk-Othmer Encyclopedia of Chemical Technology. 4th ed. Volumes 1: New York, NY. John Wiley and Sons, 1991-Present., p. V6: 89 (1993) Surface Tension 36.20 dynes/cm Kirk-Othmer Encyclopedia of Chemical Technology. 4th ed. Volumes 1: New York, NY. John Wiley and Sons, 1991-Present., p. V6: 89 (1993) Kovats Retention Index Standard non-polar 975.4, 986.21, 985.1, 1002, 1014, 985, 990, 982, 1025, 1013.8, 1009, 985, 964, 1016, 1013, 1016, 964, 1000, 997, 964, 1004.1, 985.2, 991.2, 997.1, 988, 1005, 986, 982, 1011.1, 981, 981, 981, 982, 1004 Semi-standard non-polar 1022, 1014.97, 1015.34, 1017.77, 1018.92, 1020.9, 1002.37, 997.98, 999.87, 1017.4, 1020.06, 1027.05, 1027.35, 1022.5, 1022.5, 1036.2, 1004.07, 1013.3, 1024.65, 1058, 1007, 1011, 1014, 1022, 1005, 1024.8, 1006.8, 1047, 1021, 1045, 1002, 1002.6, 997, 162, 160.4 Standard polar 1417.7, 1438.32, 1445.33, 1446, 1451, 1453, 1455.4, 1474.1, 1415, 1415, 1434, 1409, 1414, 1477, 1455.6, 1418 Chemical Classes Volatile organic compounds Crystal Structures Crystal Structures: 1 of 2 CCDC Number 165223 Crystal Structure Data DOI:10.5517/cc5jxsc Associated Article DOI:10.1002/1522-2675(20010613)84:63.0.CO;2-M Crystal Structures: 2 of 2 CCDC Number 637752 Crystal Structure Data DOI:10.5517/ccpdmnb Associated Article DOI:10.1107/S0108768106046684 Spectral Properties Index of refraction: 1.5515 at 20 deg C/D Lide, D.R. CRC Handbook of Chemistry and Physics 86TH Edition 2005-2006. CRC Press, Taylor & Francis, Boca Raton, FL 2005, p. 3-150 Intense mass spectral peaks: 146 m/z (100%), 148 m/z (64%), 111 m/z (37%), 75 m/z (22%) Hites, R.A. Handbook of Mass Spectra of Environmental Contaminants. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press Inc., 1985., p. 70 IR: 5654 (Coblentz Society Spectral Collection) Lide, D.R., G.W.A. Milne (eds.). Handbook of Data on Organic Compounds. Volume I. 3rd ed. CRC Press, Inc. Boca Raton ,FL. 1994., p. V1: 825 UV: 1671 (Sadtler Research Laboratories Spectral Collection) Lide, D.R., G.W.A. Milne (eds.). Handbook of Data on Organic Compounds. Volume I. 3rd ed. CRC Press, Inc. Boca Raton ,FL. 1994., p. V1: 825 NMR: 8596 (Sadtler Research Laboratories Spectral Collection) Lide, D.R., G.W.A. Milne (eds.). Handbook of Data on Organic Compounds. Volume I. 3rd ed. CRC Press, Inc. Boca Raton ,FL. 1994., p. V1: 825 MASS: 818 (Atlas of Mass Spectral Data, John Wiley & Sons, New York) Lide, D.R., G.W.A. Milne (eds.). Handbook of Data on Organic Compounds. Volume I. 3rd ed. CRC Press, Inc. Boca Raton ,FL. 1994., p. V1: 825 GC-MS 1 of 4 NIST Number 291447 Library Main library Total Peaks 63 m/z Top Peak 146 m/z 2nd Highest 148 m/z 3rd Highest 111 Thumbnail Related Records Related Compounds with Annotation Related Compounds Same Connectivity 8 records Same Parent, Connectivity 50 records Same Parent, Exact 43 records Mixtures, Components, and Neutralized Forms 109 records Similar Compounds 274 records Similar Conformers 16510 records Substances Related Substances All 295 records Same 122 records Mixture 173 records Substances by Category Entrez Crosslinks PubMed 86 records Taxonomy 1 record Gene 1 record Chemical Vendors Pharmacology and Biochemistry Absorption, Distribution and Excretion The dichlorobenzenes may be absorbed through the lung, gastrointestinal tract, and intact skin. Relatively low water solubility and high lipid solubility favor their penetration of most membranes by diffusion, including pulmonary and GI epithelia, the brain, hepatic parenchyma, renal tubules, and the placenta. /Dichlorobenzenes/ USEPA; Ambient Water Quality Criteria Doc: Dichlorobenzenes p.C-14 (1980) EPA 440/5-80-039 Information on the quantitative absorption of 1,3-DCB in humans and animals is not available for any route of exposure; however, absorption of the compound can be inferred from studies that have detected 1,3-DCB or metabolites in the breast milk, blood, and fat of humans and in the bile and urine of exposed animals. Distribution is believed to be similar to the other DCB isomers, but data demonstrating this are not presently available. Similar to the other DCB isomers, 1,3-DCB is initially metabolized by cytochrome P-450 enzymes, followed by extensive conjugation, primarily to glutathione, has been reported. 1,3-DCB is eliminated mainly in the urine, similar to the other DCB isomers. U.S. Dept Health & Human Services/Agency for Toxic Substances & Disease Registry; Toxicological Profile for Dichlorobenzenes p.202 (August 2006) PB2007-100672. Available from, as of January 7, 2008: http://www.atsdr.cdc.gov/toxpro2.html# Children can be exposed to DCBs prenatally, as indicated by the detection of all three isomers in placenta samples, as well as through breast feeding. 1,2-DCB concentrations measured in whole human milk range from 3 to 29 ppb. 1,3- and 1,4-DCB were detected together in whole human milk with mean and maximum concentrations of 6 and 75 ppb, respectively. These isomers were detected in milkfat samples at a mean concentration of 161 ppb and a maximum concentration of 4,180 ppb. 1,2-, 1,3-, and 1,4-DCB measured separately in whole human milk samples had concentrations of 9, <5, and 25 ppb, respectively, while the milk fat of these samples contained 230 ppb of 1,2-DCB and 640 ppb of 1,4-DCB. U.S. Dept Health & Human Services/Agency for Toxic Substances & Disease Registry; Toxicological Profile for Dichlorobenzenes p.12 (August 2006) PB2007-100672. Available from, as of January 18, 2008: http://www.atsdr.cdc.gov/toxpro2.html# Metabolism/Metabolites M-Dichlorobenzene yields N-acetyl-S-(2,4-dichlorophenyl)-L-cysteine, 2,4-dichlorophenol, and 3,5-dichlorophenol in rabbit. /from table/ Goodwin, B.L. Handbook of Intermediary Metabolism of Aromatic Compounds. New York: Wiley, 1976., p. D-15 When fed to rabbits, m-dichlorobenzene yielded glucuronides (31%, sulfates (11%), mercapturic acid (9%) and catechols (4%). ...2,4-Dichlorophenylmercapturic acid and 3,5-dichlorocatechol were also observed... Menzie, C.M. Metabolism of Pesticides, Update II. U.S. Department of the Interior, Fish Wildlife Service, Special Scientific Report - Wildlife No. 2l2. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1978., p. 95 1,3-Dichlorobenzene was reported to be among several metabolites of gamma-pentachloro-1-cyclohexane in corn and pea seedlings. USEPA; Ambient Water Quality Criteria Doc: Dichlorobenzene p.C-10 (1980) EPA 440/5-80-039 The S-containing metabolites of m-dichlorobenzene (m-DCB) were identified by using gas chromatography-mass spectrometry and disposition of m-DCB metabolites studied. In the blood, urine and feces of rats dosed with m-DCB, 2,4- and 3,5-dichlorophenyl methylsulfoxide and 3,5- and 2,4-dichlorophenyl methanesulfonate emerged, while their possible precursors, 3,5- and 2,4-dichlorophenyl methyl sulfide were not detected in the blood, urine, and feces. However, after heating the alkalinized urine and feces, the methyl sulfides appeared. ... Abstract: PubMed Kimura R et al; J Pharmacobio-Dyn 7 (4): 234-45 (1984) 1,2,4-Trichlorobenzene (TCB) was reductively converted into monochlorobenzene (MCB) via dichlorobenzenes on incubation with intestinal contents of rats. When the amounts of MCB produced from o-DCB, m-DCB, or p-DCB as substrates were compared, the amount was the least in the case of o-DCB. This was consistent with the finding that o-DCB tended to accumulate more than the other isomers. The mechanism of the reductive dechlorination of aromatic compounds is not well understood. Tsuchiya T, Yamaha T; Agric Biol Chem 47 (5): 1163-5 (1983) The increases in the hepatic microsomal aminopyrine N-demethylase activity and in the content of cytochrome p450 produced by m-dichlorobenzene (m-DCB) occurred after increases in the hepatic concentration of 3,5-dichlorophenyl methyl sulfone, a minor metabolite. The extent of increases in aminopyrine N-demethylase activity and in the content of cytochrome p450 at 48 hr after administration of 200 mg/kg (1.36 mmol/kg) of m-DCB was almost equal to that 72 hr after the ip administration of 25 umol/kg of the sulfone. m-DCB in liver was not detectable at that time, and the concentration of sulfone was 63 to 70% of that 48 to 72 hr after the ip administration of 50 umol/kg of sulfone. Administration of m-DCB (200 mg/kg) produced a significant reduction in hexobarbital sleeping time, but this reduction was less than that produced by administration of the sulfone (50 umol/kg). The protein band patterns by sodium dodecyl sulfate-polyacrylamide gel electrophoresis of the microsomes from rats treated with the sulfone and m-DCB were similar to those of phenobarbital-treated rats but were different from those of 3-methylcholanthrene-treated rats. The sulfone showed type I interaction with the cytochrome p450 (Ks, 0.17 mM). The sulfone was formed from the sulfide but reduction of the sulfone was not observed when it was incubated in a hepatic microsomal preparation. The pattern of induction by the sulfone and m-DCB was similar to that by phenobarbital and differed from that by 3-methylcholanthrene. From these results, 3,5-dichlorophenyl methyl sulfone is considered to be a major contributing factor of the inducing activity of m-DCB and to be a potent phenobarbital like inducer. Abstract: PubMed Kimura R; Toxicol Appl Pharmacol 78 (2): 300-9 (1985) ...In rat liver slices, the majority (~70%) of 1,3-DCB was found conjugated to glutathione, or as a cysteine conjugate, with only small amounts of the glucuronide or sulfate detected. In human liver slices, the pattern was different, with approximately equal distribution (~40% each) of glucuronide and glutathione conjugates, and ~20% of the metabolites as the sulfate. Human liver slices metabolized greater amounts of 1,3-DCB than did slices from F344 or Sprague-Dawley rats. Human liver slices formed 2-9-fold greater levels of glucuronide conjugates, 1-4-fold greater levels of sulphatase conjugates, and 1-4-fold greater levels of glutathione/cysteine conjugates of 1,3-DCB than rat liver slices. U.S. Dept Health & Human Services/Agency for Toxic Substances & Disease Regis

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english translation-geogle-indonesia

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Once upon a time,happy monkey dance at gotherings of animals,and they are all very pleased with his performance that they elected him their king a fox envying him the honor,discovered a piece of meat lying in a trap, and leading the monkey to the spot,said that he had found a shop in thee woods,but do not use it, he had been saving for him as treasure trove of his kingdom,and counseled him to seize it,mongkey approached caralessly and was caught in a trap,and on his accusing the fox deliberately took him into a trap,he replied''oh mongkey' dan you wiht your mind like you, will be the king of animals

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QUERY LENGTH LIMIT EXCEDEED. MAX ALLOWED QUERY : 500 CHARS

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It is perhaps the most influential motorcycle movement the world has ever seen. Born in the streets of England in the 1950s, its culture still thrives around the globe. There will never be another motorcycle—or rider—quite like it. And yet, most of us have never heard of the café racer. The café racer is both man and machine. With its Spartan appearance and aggressive styling, the café racer is one of the most distinctive and revered motorcycles in the world. Their impact on the motorcycle industry includes legendary high-performance motorcycles like Triumph’s Bonneville, Honda’s CB-750, and Kawasaki’s Z-1. Without the original café racers tuning and designing their ordinary street bikes for power and handling, manufacturers may never have designed the modern sportbike. The café racer movement may have been born in London in the 1950s, but it has developed into a subculture encompassing a desire for speed, a love of rock and roll, and ultimately an enduring love for a motorcycle that’s being revived worldwide. The human side of the café racer was a perfect match for this type of motorcycle. The riders of these machines were young, and they wanted to go fast. The goal of many of the café racers during the 50s was the ability to hit a hundred miles an hour, better known as “the ton.” Author and journalist Mike Seate has been following the café racer for two decades. discovery-hd-theater-cafe-racer-caferacer-tv-vintage-motorcycles-ace-cafe-london-rockers-59club-norton-triumph-triton-honda-historic-phot-16“The term café racer came from what’s actually a derisive term used to describe kids who hung out in cafés and raced fast. They would hang out in transport cafés and wait until somebody else came by on a fast bike and challenged them for a race, and they all rushed outside to see who gets up the road the fastest. When they get back to the cafés, which were often occupied by long distance truck drivers, the truck drivers would laugh and say, ‘You’re not a real racer, you’re not Barry Sheen, you’re just a café racer! And the kids thought, ‘Well you’re damn right I’m a café racer!’ So they would race to the next café, and then to the next one as fast as they could, and the name stuck; they embraced it despite the fact that it was a derisive term,” he said. One of the birthplaces of the café racer was London’s Ace Café. The Ace was one of many cafés that provided a gathering place for teenagers and their motorcycles in the 1950s and 60s. Many, like the Busy Bee and Café Rising Sun have succumbed to the wrecking ball, while others, such as Jack’s Hill and Squires Coffee Bar have survived, hosting annual Ton-Up reunions each year. Avid motorcyclist Mark Wilsmore, who reopened the Ace Café to its former glory in 1994, says that rock and roll helped spark the subculture known as “ The Café Racing.” discovery-hd-theater-cafe-racer-caferacer-tv-vintage-motorcycles-ace-cafe-london-rockers-59club-norton-triumph-triton-honda-historic-photos-“These kids over here, they have been the generation—rock and roll generation—they went out and bought the fastest vehicle they could afford, which over here was a motorbike. In the States, that was a car, and you had your hot rod culture come directly out of Elvis Presley and that lot, but over here, we had a similar sort of thing, but all based around motorbikes because of our different income levels. And the other great attraction of cafés, and I suspect diners in the states at that time, was the jukebox. And certainly in this country, when rock and roll first came around in the mid-50s you could only hear rock and roll on the jukebox. There was no radio stations playing it, no clubs playing it, so this new music of youngsters mixed with having their own vehicles and their own identity, um, along comes this Ton-Up boy and his bike, the café racer, it was invariably—the racing would be from one café to another,” he said. The hunger to make their ordinary streetbikes go faster and resemble the machines ridden by British racing heroes like Mike Hailwood and Geoff Duke was all part of the café racer’s character. Doing the “Ton,” or hitting a hundred miles-an-hour, became a badge of honor—weather you made it back…or not. Riders from those days say attempts at reaching the “Ton” on your average 650cc parallel twin were dodgy affairs at best. Riders could consider themselves very, very lucky to reach it as their engines had to be tuned well, but even the best engines could out-perform the skinny, bias-ply tires and meager drum brakes of mid-century design. Road surfaces were not what they are today, with everything from poor road lighting to axle grease from cars and trucks making each corner a potential deathtrap. Trial and plenty of error was the order of the day and the Rockers, experimenting with countless performance modifications, came to create motorcycles that are still respected by go-fast aficionados. Brave? Crazy? Brilliant visionaries? Addicted to kicks? The Rockers were, and are, all of the above, which is why the Café Racer culture still lives not only in the streets on London, but across the globe. Enthusiasts of all ages are once again building custom high-performance motorcycles out of their garages, machines that continue the tradition of the café racer. Join us for Discovery HD Theater’s “Café Racer TV” as we explore this rich history and the quest to “Do The Ton.

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story

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Bukti kasus yang menimpa Almiraat, penulis Global Voices sejak 2009 dan yang pernah menjabat sebagai direktur advokasi komunitas antara tahun 2012 hingga 2014, mencantumkan kesaksiannya untuk "Their Eyes on Me," sebuah laporan penelitian mengenai teknis pengawasan di Maroko.

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Evidence in the case against Almiraat, who has written for Global Voices since 2009 and served as the community's advocacy director from 2012 - 2014, includes his testimony for "Their Eyes on Me," a research report on technical surveillance in Morocco.

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urtles are reptiles of the order Testudines (or Chelonii[3]) characterised by a special bony or cartilaginous shell developed from their ribs and acting as a shield.[4] "Turtle" may refer to the order as a whole (American English) or to fresh-water and sea-dwelling testudines (British English).[5] The order Testudines includes both extant (living) and extinct species. The earliest known members of this group date from 157 million years ago,[1] making turtles one of the oldest reptile groups and a more ancient group than snakes or crocodilians. Of the 327 known species alive today, some are highly endangered.[6][7] Turtles are ectotherms—their internal temperature varies according to the ambient environment, commonly called cold-blooded. However, because of their high metabolic rate, leatherback sea turtles have a body temperature that is noticeably higher than that of the surrounding water. Turtles are classified as amniotes, along with other reptiles, birds, and mammals. Like other amniotes, turtles breathe air and do not lay eggs underwater, although many species live in or around wate

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the characteristics of a turtle

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Special Dividends and the Evolution of Dividend Signaling 1. Introduction Dividend signaling plays a prominent role in corporate finance theory, with numerous studies outlining scenarios in which managers use cash dividends to convey information about firm profitability (see, e.g., Bhattacharya (1979), Miller and Rock (1985), John and Williams (1985), and more recent papers cited in Allen and Michaely’s (1995) survey of the dividend literature). However, few empirical studies indicate that signaling is pervasively important, although some research suggests it might be important in limited circumstances (see, e.g., DeAngelo, DeAngelo, and Skinner (1996), Benartzi, Michaely, and Thaler (1997), and many earlier studies cataloged by Allen and Michaely). In their comprehensive survey, Allen and Michaely (1995, p. 825) state that “…the empirical evidence (on dividend signaling) is far from conclusive …. more research on this topic is needed.” The juxtaposition of continued strong theoretical interest in signaling models on the one hand, with limited empirical support on the other, has made the relevance of dividend signaling an important unresolved issue in corporate finance. There are firms in which dividend signaling is inarguably at work, and they are the ones studied by Brickley (1982, 1983), whose managers pay both regular dividends and occasional special dividends (extras, specials, year-ends, etc., hereafter “specials”). As Brickley indicates, the differential labeling of special and regular dividends inherently conveys a warning to stockholders that the “special” payout is not as likely to be repeated as the “regular” payout. Brickley’s evidence indicates that investors treat special dividends as hedged managerial signals about future profitability, in that unanticipated specials are associated with weaker stock market reactions than are regular dividend increases of comparable size. One contribution of the current paper is to provide evidence that the historically prevalent practice of paying special dividends has largely failed the survival test, casting further doubt on the overall importance of signaling motivations in explaining dividend policy in general. We document that special dividends were once commonly paid by NYSE firms but have gradually disappeared over the last 40 to 45 years and are now a rare phenomenon. During the 1940s, 61.7% of dividend-paying NYSE firms paid at least one special, while only 4.9% did so during the first 2 half of the 1990s. In the single year 1950, 45.8% of dividend-paying NYSE firms paid specials, while just 1.4% of such firms paid specials in 1995. In years past, special dividends constituted a substantial fraction of total cash dividends. Among NYSE firms that paid specials, these bonus disbursements average 24.3% (median, 16.8%) of the dollar value of total dividends paid over all years between the firm’s first and last special. Firms that at one point frequently paid specials include such high visibility “blue chip” corporations as General Motors, Eastman K odak, Exxon, Mobil, Texaco, Gillette, Johnson & Johnson, Merck, Pfizer, Sears Roebuck, J.C. Penney, Union Pacific, Corning, International Harvester, McGraw Hill, and Boeing. Today, only a handful of NYSE firms continues to pay frequent special dividends, and these firms are generally not well known companies. Why have firms largely abandoned the once pervasive practice of paying special dividends? Our evidence suggests that the evolution of special dividends reflects the principle that dividends are a useful signaling mechanism only when they send clear messages to stockholders. Surprisingly, most firms paid specials almost as predictably as they paid regulars, thereby treating the two dividend components as close substitutes and impeding their ability to convey different messages. Over 1926-1995, more than 10,000 specials were paid by NYSE firms and virtually all of these were declared by firms that announced specials in multiple years. Remarkably, a full 27.9% of the latter firms skipped paying specials in less than one year out of ten on average (i.e., they paid specials in over 90% of the years between their first and last special dividend). Well over half (56.8%) the firms that paid specials in multiple years did so more frequently than every other year on average. We find that the only specials that have survived to an appreciable degree -- and that, in fact, have grown in importance -- are large specials whose sheer size automatically differentiates them from regular dividends.1 When investors view specials and regulars as close substitutes, there is little advantage to differential labeling and so firms should eventually drop the practice of paying two types of dividends and simply embed specials into the regular dividend. Evidence supporting this prediction comes from our 1 Large specials, like large repurchases, are likely to get stockholders’ attention. These large payouts may or may not serve as signals in the conventional sense, however, depending on whether stockholders interpret them as information about the firm’s future profitability as opposed, e.g., to information about the success of its current restructuring efforts. 3 Lintner (1956) model analysis of the dividend decisions of firms that eliminated specials after paying them frequently for many years. This analysis shows that, controlling for earnings, the pattern of regular dividends after the cessation of specials does not differ systematically from the earlier pattern of total (special plus regular) dividends. Other data indicate that these sample firms preserved the relation between earnings and total dividends by substituting into greater reliance on regular dividend increases. We also find that firms generally tended to increase regulars when they reduced specials to a still-positive level (and this tendency becomes more pronounced in recent years), further supporting the view that firms treat specials and regulars as reasonably close substitutes. Finally, our data show that the disappearance of specials is part of a general trend toward simple, homogenous dividend policies in which firms converged on the now standard practice of paying exactly four regular dividends per year. Our event study analysis reveals that the stock market typically reacts favorably to the fact that a special dividend is declared (given a constant regular dividend), but the market response is not systematically related to the sign or magnitude of the change from one positive special dividend payment to another. We observe a significantly positive average stock market reaction of about 1%, both when firms increase specials and when they reduce them to a still-positive level (and leave the regular dividend unchanged). The stock market’s favorable reaction to special declarations is significantly greater than the essentially zero reaction when firms omit specials. These empirical tendencies provide some incentive for managers to pay special dividends more frequently than they otherwise would, even if specials must sometimes be reduced. These findings may therefore help explain why managers typically paid specials frequently, effectively converting them into payout streams that more closely resemble regular dividends than one would think based on the nominal special labeling. We also find some empirical support for the notion that the long term decline in special dividends is related to the clientele effect shift from the mid-century era in which stock ownership was dominated by individual investors to the current era in which institutions dominate. One might reasonably expect this clientele shift to reduce the importance of special dividends, since institutions are presumably more sophisticated than retail investors and are therefore better able to see that most firms treated specials as close substitutes for regulars. At the aggregate level, the secular decline in specials and the increase in 4 institutional ownership occurred roughly in parallel, with both trends proceeding gradually over many years. At the firm level, our logit regressions show a significant negative relation between the level of institutional ownership and the probability that a firm continues to pay special dividends. Finally, we find little support for the notion that special dividends were displaced by common stock repurchases. Theoretically, one mi ght expect a close connection between the disappearance of specials and the adoption of stock repurchases. Both payout methods allow managers to signal their beliefs about company prospects through temporary bonus distributions, with no necessary commitment to repeat today’s higher cash payout in future years. Moreover, repurchases are now widely prevalent (much as specials used to be) although historically they were rare events (as specials are now). However, at the aggregate level, the secular decline in specials began many years before the upsurge in repurchase activity, so that any theory which attributes the disappearance of specials to the advent of repurchases faces the difficult task of explaining the long time gap between the two phenomena. Moreover, at the firm level, the number of companies that repurchased stock after they stopped paying special dividends is significantly less than expected if firms simpl y substituted one for the other form of payout. Finally, repurchase tender offers and large specials both increase in recent years with the upsurge in corporate restructurings and takeovers. Perhaps the most important implication of the findings reported here is the challenge they pose for dividend signaling theories. Specifically, the fact that special dividends once flourished, but have largely failed to survive, is inconsistent with the view that these signals serve an economically important function. We discuss this and other implications of our findings for corporate finance research in section 7. We begin in section 2 by documenting the long-term evolution of special dividend payments. Section 3 analyzes the predictability of special dividends, the evolution of large specials, the behavior of total dividends around the time firms stopped paying specials, and firms’ general tendency to increase regulars when they reduce specials. Section 4 presents our event study analysis of the information content of special dividends. Section 5 examines the relation between institutional ownership and the payment of specials. Section 6 investigates the connection between repurchases and the decline in specials.

Anglais

geogle terjemahan indonesia-englishSpecial Dividends and the Evolution of Dividend Signaling 1. Introduction Dividend signaling plays a prominent role in corporate finance theory, with numerous studies outlining scenarios in which managers use cash dividends to convey information about firm profitability (see, e.g., Bhattacharya (1979), Miller and Rock (1985), John and Williams (1985), and more recent papers cited in Allen and Michaely’s (1995) survey of the dividend literature). However, few empirical studies indicate that signaling is pervasively important, although some research suggests it might be important in limited circumstances (see, e.g., DeAngelo, DeAngelo, and Skinner (1996), Benartzi, Michaely, and Thaler (1997), and many earlier studies cataloged by Allen and Michaely). In their comprehensive survey, Allen and Michaely (1995, p. 825) state that “…the empirical evidence (on dividend signaling) is far from conclusive …. more research on this topic is needed.” The juxtaposition of continued strong theoretical interest in signaling models on the one hand, with limited empirical support on the other, has made the relevance of dividend signaling an important unresolved issue in corporate finance. There are firms in which dividend signaling is inarguably at work, and they are the ones studied by Brickley (1982, 1983), whose managers pay both regular dividends and occasional special dividends (extras, specials, year-ends, etc., hereafter “specials”). As Brickley indicates, the differential labeling of special and regular dividends inherently conveys a warning to stockholders that the “special” payout is not as likely to be repeated as the “regular” payout. Brickley’s evidence indicates that investors treat special dividends as hedged managerial signals about future profitability, in that unanticipated specials are associated with weaker stock market reactions than are regular dividend increases of comparable size. One contribution of the current paper is to provide evidence that the historically prevalent practice of paying special dividends has largely failed the survival test, casting further doubt on the overall importance of signaling motivations in explaining dividend policy in general. We document that special dividends were once commonly paid by NYSE firms but have gradually disappeared over the last 40 to 45 years and are now a rare phenomenon. During the 1940s, 61.7% of dividend-paying NYSE firms paid at least one special, while only 4.9% did so during the first 2 half of the 1990s. In the single year 1950, 45.8% of dividend-paying NYSE firms paid specials, while just 1.4% of such firms paid specials in 1995. In years past, special dividends constituted a substantial fraction of total cash dividends. Among NYSE firms that paid specials, these bonus disbursements average 24.3% (median, 16.8%) of the dollar value of total dividends paid over all years between the firm’s first and last special. Firms that at one point frequently paid specials include such high visibility “blue chip” corporations as General Motors, Eastman K odak, Exxon, Mobil, Texaco, Gillette, Johnson & Johnson, Merck, Pfizer, Sears Roebuck, J.C. Penney, Union Pacific, Corning, International Harvester, McGraw Hill, and Boeing. Today, only a handful of NYSE firms continues to pay frequent special dividends, and these firms are generally not well known companies. Why have firms largely abandoned the once pervasive practice of paying special dividends? Our evidence suggests that the evolution of special dividends reflects the principle that dividends are a useful signaling mechanism only when they send clear messages to stockholders. Surprisingly, most firms paid specials almost as predictably as they paid regulars, thereby treating the two dividend components as close substitutes and impeding their ability to convey different messages. Over 1926-1995, more than 10,000 specials were paid by NYSE firms and virtually all of these were declared by firms that announced specials in multiple years. Remarkably, a full 27.9% of the latter firms skipped paying specials in less than one year out of ten on average (i.e., they paid specials in over 90% of the years between their first and last special dividend). Well over half (56.8%) the firms that paid specials in multiple years did so more frequently than every other year on average. We find that the only specials that have survived to an appreciable degree -- and that, in fact, have grown in importance -- are large specials whose sheer size automatically differentiates them from regular dividends.1 When investors view specials and regulars as close substitutes, there is little advantage to differential labeling and so firms should eventually drop the practice of paying two types of dividends and simply embed specials into the regular dividend. Evidence supporting this prediction comes from our 1 Large specials, like large repurchases, are likely to get stockholders’ attention. These large payouts may or may not serve as signals in the conventional sense, however, depending on whether stockholders interpret them as information about the firm’s future profitability as opposed, e.g., to information about the success of its current restructuring efforts. 3 Lintner (1956) model analysis of the dividend decisions of firms that eliminated specials after paying them frequently for many years. This analysis shows that, controlling for earnings, the pattern of regular dividends after the cessation of specials does not differ systematically from the earlier pattern of total (special plus regular) dividends. Other data indicate that these sample firms preserved the relation between earnings and total dividends by substituting into greater reliance on regular dividend increases. We also find that firms generally tended to increase regulars when they reduced specials to a still-positive level (and this tendency becomes more pronounced in recent years), further supporting the view that firms treat specials and regulars as reasonably close substitutes. Finally, our data show that the disappearance of specials is part of a general trend toward simple, homogenous dividend policies in which firms converged on the now standard practice of paying exactly four regular dividends per year. Our event study analysis reveals that the stock market typically reacts favorably to the fact that a special dividend is declared (given a constant regular dividend), but the market response is not systematically related to the sign or magnitude of the change from one positive special dividend payment to another. We observe a significantly positive average stock market reaction of about 1%, both when firms increase specials and when they reduce them to a still-positive level (and leave the regular dividend unchanged). The stock market’s favorable reaction to special declarations is significantly greater than the essentially zero reaction when firms omit specials. These empirical tendencies provide some incentive for managers to pay special dividends more frequently than they otherwise would, even if specials must sometimes be reduced. These findings may therefore help explain why managers typically paid specials frequently, effectively converting them into payout streams that more closely resemble regular dividends than one would think based on the nominal special labeling. We also find some empirical support for the notion that the long term decline in special dividends is related to the clientele effect shift from the mid-century era in which stock ownership was dominated by individual investors to the current era in which institutions dominate. One might reasonably expect this clientele shift to reduce the importance of special dividends, since institutions are presumably more sophisticated than retail investors and are therefore better able to see that most firms treated specials as close substitutes for regulars. At the aggregate level, the secular decline in specials and the increase in 4 institutional ownership occurred roughly in parallel, with both trends proceeding gradually over many years. At the firm level, our logit regressions show a significant negative relation between the level of institutional ownership and the probability that a firm continues to pay special dividends. Finally, we find little support for the notion that special dividends were displaced by common stock repurchases. Theoretically, one mi ght expect a close connection between the disappearance of specials and the adoption of stock repurchases. Both payout methods allow managers to signal their beliefs about company prospects through temporary bonus distributions, with no necessary commitment to repeat today’s higher cash payout in future years. Moreover, repurchases are now widely prevalent (much as specials used to be) although historically they were rare events (as specials are now). However, at the aggregate level, the secular decline in specials began many years before the upsurge in repurchase activity, so that any theory which attributes the disappearance of specials to the advent of repurchases faces the difficult task of explaining the long time gap between the two phenomena. Moreover, at the firm level, the number of companies that repurchased stock after they stopped paying special dividends is significantly less than expected if firms simpl y substituted one for the other form of payout. Finally, repurchase tender offers and large specials both increase in recent years with the upsurge in corporate restructurings and takeovers. Perhaps the most important implication of the findings reported here is the challenge they pose for dividend signaling theories. Specifically, the fact that special dividends once flourished, but have largely failed to survive, is inconsistent with the view that these signals serve an economically important function. We discuss this and other implications of our findings for corporate finance research in section 7. We begin in section 2 by documenting the long-term evolution of special dividend payments. Section 3 analyzes the predictability of special dividends, the evolution of large specials, the behavior of total dividends around the time firms stopped paying specials, and firms’ general tendency to increase regulars when they reduce specials. Section 4 presents our event study analysis of the information content of special dividends. Section 5 examines the relation between institutional ownership and the payment of specials. Section 6 investigates the connection between repurchases and the decline in specials.

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Indonésien

Special Dividends and the Evolution of Dividend Signaling by Harry DeAngelo* Linda DeAngelo* Douglas J. Skinner** March 1998 November 1999 Abstract This paper documents that (1) special dividends were once commonly paid by NYSE firms, but are now a rare phenomenon; (2) firms typically paid specials almost as predictably as they paid regulars; and (3) despite the dramatic decline in specials as a whole, the incidence of very large specials increased in recent years. Most plausibly, small specials disappeared because their predictability made them close substitutes for regular dividend signals, while large specials survived because their sheer size automatically differentiates them from regulars. Firms that stop paying specials substitute into more frequent regular increases but do not alter the pattern of total dividends (per the Lintner (1956) model). Firms that reduce specials tend to increase regulars, effectively making the two types of dividends closer substitutes (and this tendency is more pronounced in recent years). The stock market typically reacts favorably to the declaration of a special, but does not systematically differentiate between special increases and decreases to a still-positive level. The latter regularities give managers incentives to pay specials more frequently than they otherwise would which, in turn, makes specials more closely resemble regulars. Firms that continue to pay specials have lower institutional ownership, suggesting that the long-term trend to a more sophisticated stockholder clientele contributed to the demise of poorly differentiated dividend signals. Finally, special dividends were not displaced by stock repurchases, indicating that most specials failed to survive on their own accord and not because managers discovered the tax advantages of repurchases.

Anglais

geogle terjemahan indonesia-englishSpecial Dividends and the Evolution of Dividend Signaling by Harry DeAngelo* Linda DeAngelo* Douglas J. Skinner** March 1998 November 1999 Abstract This paper documents that (1) special dividends were once commonly paid by NYSE firms, but are now a rare phenomenon; (2) firms typically paid specials almost as predictably as they paid regulars; and (3) despite the dramatic decline in specials as a whole, the incidence of very large specials increased in recent years. Most plausibly, small specials disappeared because their predictability made them close substitutes for regular dividend signals, while large specials survived because their sheer size automatically differentiates them from regulars. Firms that stop paying specials substitute into more frequent regular increases but do not alter the pattern of total dividends (per the Lintner (1956) model). Firms that reduce specials tend to increase regulars, effectively making the two types of dividends closer substitutes (and this tendency is more pronounced in recent years). The stock market typically reacts favorably to the declaration of a special, but does not systematically differentiate between special increases and decreases to a still-positive level. The latter regularities give managers incentives to pay specials more frequently than they otherwise would which, in turn, makes specials more closely resemble regulars. Firms that continue to pay specials have lower institutional ownership, suggesting that the long-term trend to a more sophisticated stockholder clientele contributed to the demise of poorly differentiated dividend signals. Finally, special dividends were not displaced by stock repurchases, indicating that most specials failed to survive on their own accord and not because managers discovered the tax advantages of repurchases. E-mail: hdeangelo@sba.usc.edu or ldeangelo@sba.usc.edu or dskinner@umich.edu *Marshall School of Business, USC. **University of Michigan Business School. We appreciate the useful comments and suggestions of David Denis, Ananth Madhavan, Ron Masulis, Kevin J. Murphy, Pat O’Brien, Jay Ritter, Rene Stulz, Mike Weisbach, and especially Jim Brickley and Larry Dann. We thank Arezou Motamedi, Steve Sedmak, Robert Sosa, Michael Wartena, and especially Sharon Sun for research assistance. Financial support was provided by the Marshall School of Business at USC (Charles E. Cook/Community Bank and Kenneth King Stonier Chairs) and the University of Michigan Business School (KPMG Professorship).

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