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secret maryo chronicles
secret maryo chronicles

that day she will relate her chronicles,
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on that day she will relate her chronicles
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intermedia agenda-setting research is concerned with measuring the extent to which news content transfers between different media (atwater et al. 1987). the assertion is that journalists tend to let their reporting decisions be guided by the coverage of their peers at other news outlets (breed 1955). especially highly regarded media such as the new york times or the washington post in the united states are assumed to influence the content of other media. this “co-orientation” between different news outlets has economical, as well as sociopsychological origins. obviously, following up on, or simply replicating others’ content (“churnalism”) requires less resources and is therefore more cost-effective than seeking one’s own leads. alongside this blunt economic reason, the occurrence of co-orientation has sociopsychological origins, too. from a social-constructionist viewpoint, no single event is inherently more worthy of coverage than the next one. hence, journalists have to deal with the question of noteworthiness on a daily basis, often implicitly. professional training and socialization in the newsroom equips them with “news values” (harcup and o’neill 2016) as one set of criteria for these judgments, but these still leave room for doubt as the decisions remain in the hands of a single journalist or journalists within one news organization. looking to other media outlets’ coverage, then, can be a valuable source of guidance about which topics are of importance on this day or in this period of time. obviously, the internet as we know it today was yet to be developed when the theory of intermedia agenda setting was put forward. gaining ever more territory in the latest decades, its influence on the news industry is profound. not only has the business side of news been affected, also the ways in which news is made, presented, and circulated have dramatically changed as a result of the introduction of news web sites, social media, and mobile internet. the resulting contemporary news environment has been characterized as “hybrid,” “ambient,” and “liminal” (chadwick 2013; hermida 2014; papacharissi 2014)—terms that refer to the diminished possibility of assigning fixed properties to different media platforms and their content. properties that were originally typical of one medium are now also featured by others. video clips, for example, originally typical of television, are embedded in news web site articles. in similar fashion, journalists nowadays have to share their role as information gatekeepers with people “formerly known as the audience” (rosen 2006), who are able to produce and share their own content via blogs or social media. their content may, in turn, be used in journalists’ reports, making citizens co-producers of news (bruns and highfield 2012). journalists anticipate audience feedback on the news they cover and incorporate it in their follow-up reports (beckers and harder 2016). also, the breaking news genre is not exclusively a matter for television or radio any longer, nor is news always reported first by journalists (bruns and highfield 2012). being largely preoccupied with “the now,” social media have keenly adopted this style of reporting and made it one of their core news genres (kwak et al. 2010). thus, we see that media become more fluid, their different “technologies, genres, norms, behaviours, and organizational forms” (chadwick 2013: 4) blending together to form the contemporary news media landscape. 278 the international journal of press/politics 22(3) in this setting, the notion of time has obtained a different connotation. with news web sites, liveblogs, and social media, the publication of news depends much less on fixed schedules (karlsson and strömbäck 2010). nor does news need to be communicated as a “finished” product. journalists can float snippets of news via social media channels as events unfold, only to follow them up later with a full article on their medium’s web site. even when news workers are not physically present on the location of an event, they may cover it by embedding audience-constructed material supplied in real time, be it in text, image, or video (hermida et al. 2014). these developments imply a vast reduction of infrastructural requirements for news reporting compared with television and radio. thereby a 24/7 news cycle is enabled not only technically, but also in practice. to a lesser extent, a 24/7 news cycle has already been introduced via cable news networks in some larger markets, like the united states and the united kingdom (e.g., cnn, bbc news), but such initiatives have remained absent or unsuccessful in most western democracies with smaller media markets (cushion 2010). because of the new digital affordances, however, immediacy has become a production norm for journalists and news organizations around the world (buhl et al. 2016), as well as an expectation of consumers (thurman and walters 2013). this increased emphasis on immediacy means that the gap between a newsworthy event happening and it being communicated to a wider audience is narrower than ever before. challenges given this sketch of the current news media landscape, the basic assumptions of intermedia agenda setting should be re-examined critically. this paper elaborates on three interwoven assumptions that are problematic in this day and age. the first assumption is the postulation of an “agenda” that can be measured. this agenda is usually operationalized as an index of the content of one particular news outlet or platform, reconstructed by measuring the saliency of issues (like “taxes,” “immigration,” or “foreign policy”). one medium’s amount of attention to these issues is then compared with that of another medium at a later point in time. by grouping content into issue categories stable over time, this method makes the study of large longitudinal datasets feasible. the downside, however, is that this level of analysis allows only general conclusions regarding intermedia agenda setting, such as the most important issues of a particular election campaign (welbers 2016). it does not allow us to zoom in on the underlying news stories—which seems to be a mismatch if we consider intermedia agenda-setting theory to be describing what happens when journalists look to other media for story ideas. although this has always been the case for this type of research, it is arguably more problematic nowadays. in the more rigid news structures of the twentieth century, in which publication schedules were fixed and the bandwidth to carry news was relatively narrow, the likelihood that an “economic” news item of today pertained to the same news event as the “economic” news of yesterday was much higher than it is now. this is especially true when researchers included more specific subtopics. however, a 24/7 news environment, combined with the fact that harder et al. 279 news sources might be brought up by virtually anyone, makes issue categories too broad to draw conclusions about journalists’ work practices. two, it is assumed that the flow of news media coverage can adequately be captured by aggregating the saliency of issues on discrete intervals, or “blocks” of time. depending on theoretical or statistical considerations, these blocks may comprise hours, days, or weeks (vliegenthart and walgrave 2008)—the interval of choice being called the time lag. time lags best capture dynamics of a media landscape in which news is reported on relatively fixed schedules, exemplified by morning newspapers and evening television news broadcasts. with social media and news web sites that report news virtually instantly, time lags as small as a few hours are insufficient to adequately describe how news spreads across media nowadays (buhl et al. 2016; weimann and brosius 2016). however, the time lag can only be shrunk down to a point, before no statistically meaningful results can be detected any longer. in addition, the interval at which media influence one another may have become more variable. although some news stories spread instantaneously, others may stay under the radar, only to gain traction at a later point in time (conway et al. 2015). three, past intermedia agenda-setting research has started from the implicit assertion that the content found in one outlet or platform is the product of deliberate choices of one specific actor group—namely, journalists. this is shown by the fact that aggregated content, irrespective of its authorship, is taken as “the” agenda of the respective medium. indeed, this is an appropriate assertion for traditional forms of media, for which journalists and editors act as the sole gatekeepers. only they have the power to select or exclude content. however, this conceptualization is not in line with the nature of social media. after all, these platforms are a meeting place for various actors—citizens, journalists, and politicians alike (d’heer and verdegem 2014)—who are not overseen by any editorial board. the literature on social media discourse (d’heer and verdegem 2014) and social media sourcing (paulussen and harder 2014) suggests that these actors differ in the extent to which they are able to affect the discourse. yet, the available intermedia agenda-setting literature that deals with social media outlets generally treats them as single homogeneous entities (e.g., ceron et al. 2016; rogstad 2016; russell neuman et al. 2014, but see conway et al. 2015). news or information? this diversity of publics goes hand in hand with a multitude of functions that social media perform. they are neither solely nor even primarily news media. if we are to embed social media (and by extension all online media) within the intermedia agendasetting framework, we are required to differentiate between content that can properly be named “news” and content that is “just” information. for this, we draw on the sociological approach of michael schudson (2003), who argues that news is “the product of the journalistic activity of publicizing” (p. 12). moreover, news is about telling something about the world. all else is not news: 280 the international journal of press/politics 22(3) [t]he reporter’s job is to make meaning. a list of facts, even a chronologically ordered list, is not . . . a news story. from a list or chronicle, the writer must construct a tale, one whose understanding requires a reader or viewer to recognize not the sum of facts but the relationships among them. (schudson 2003: 177) this implies that livestreams, liveblogs, and real-time tweets are not news per se. if journalism is a “first draft of history,” live descriptions of events can perhaps best be regarded as a “first draft of the present” (bruns and highfield 2012: 25). bearing in mind the focus on news as the outcome of a certain journalistic practice in schudson’s definition, live content can only be associated with news post hoc, when its subject has actually been covered by journalists. the same is true for other “raw” published information like interviews, op-eds, and background programs. they may relate to news, but are not news in themselves. contemporary media dynamics in addressing the aforementioned theoretical and methodological challenges, we aim to answer the empirical question of the roles that different media play in the contemporary news media landscape. we approach this broadly, considering older media forms, news web sites, and social media. our central query, therefore, is, how are different media platforms in the contemporary media landscape temporally interrelated? as an exemplar of social media, we choose to study twitter. although twitter is not the most popular social media platform in general, it is widely used among (political) journalists (broersma and graham 2016). moreover, its characteristics seem to make it the ideal outlet to influence the news process. for journalists, twitter allows to post short raw news facts or footage that is not (yet) “fit to print” but still deemed newsworthy. for politicians, twitter is useful to bypass the journalistic gatekeepers, strategically launching scoops to generate social media “buzz.” meanwhile, (organized) citizens may use twitter as an outlet for their eyewitness reports or citizen journalism. nevertheless, the majority of the available literature suggests that the social medium’s agenda-setting power is either lacking or overshadowed by more traditional news outlets. this is the case for mutual influence between twitter and news web sites (ceron et al. 2016), as well as for the dynamics between twitter and newspapers or television news (conway et al. 2015; groshek and groshek 2013; rogstad 2016). these studies, however, have only looked at a subsection of news platforms. a more comprehensive study suggests that social and traditional media both set the agenda, sometimes reinforcing one another (russell neuman et al. 2014).
penyelidikan penetapan agenda perantara adalah berkenaan dengan mengukur sejauh mana pemindahan kandungan berita antara media yang berbeza (atwater et al. new york times atau washington post di amerika syarikat diandaikan mempengaruhi kandungan media lain. "orientasi bersama" ini antara saluran berita yang berbeza telah jelas sekali, internet seperti yang kita ketahui hari ini masih belum dibangunkan apabila teori penetapan agenda perantara dikemukakan. yang diedarkan telah berubah secara mendadak akibat daripada