Вы искали: pocha entrance (Хинди - Английский)

jadoo pocha
jadoo p

kapde ka pocha
wipe cloth

bs wesy hi pocha tha
bs wesy hi pocha tha

ma ne ap se pocha hai
ma ne ap se pocha hai

is ny ap k bary me pocha
is ny ap k bary me pochaw

farsh par pocha lagane wali bai
farsh par pocha lagane wali bai

mujy maloom nhi pocha nhi mny janab
i don't know, i don't want to ask

app sb ki mehrbani app ny mera hal pocha
app sb ki mehrbani app ny mera hal pocha

mai ne socha ap pta ho ga is le pocha
mai ne socha ap pta ho ga is le pocha

apne muje kon sa pehle message kr k pocha k l
apne muje kon sa pehle message kr k pocha kl

pocha laga rahi hu in english translation (पोचा लगा राही है)
pocha laga rahi hu in english translation

aane waala kal meri beti ko aps ne ist standard ke entrance test ke liye 9: 30 bulaya gaya hai
yesterday my daughter has been called by aps for ist standard entrance test at 9:30 am.

meri beti ka already hindi ka paper hai aur usi din uska uska entrance test hai aps mein.aapse request hai ki usko permission de ki apna entrance test dene ke baad vo hindi ka paper dene ke liye aa jaye
my daughter already has a hindi paper and on the same day she has her entrance test in aps. you are requested to give her permission that after giving her entrance test, she should come to give hindi paper.

aj mare zindagi ma ek waqia howa ta ek din ma apne cycle pa ja rha ta 7 thousand pa la kar jab ma chota ta tu muhje se 3 larko na mare cycle mhange mane nhi di per wo mara pesha kar ka ek jagah poch ha wa koi nhi ta tu inno na muhje mara or muhje se paisa la liye or mare mama new muhje qamati ka liye diya ta ma rota huwa apni cycle per ghar chala gya ghr poch kar mare mama new pocha q roo rhe hu mane rote howa jawab diya muhje se paisa la liya 3 larko na or muhja mara be tu per mare mama na muhj
aj mare zindagi ma ek waqia howa ta ek din ma apne cycle pa ja rha ta 7 thousand pa la kar jab ma chota ta tu muhje se 3 larko na mare cycle mhange mane nhi di per wo mara pesha kar ka ek jagah poch ha wa koi nhi ta din ka waqt ta inno na muhje mara or muhje se paisa la liye or mare mama new muhje qamati ka liye diya ta ma rota huwa apni cycle per ghar chala ga gh gr poch kar mare mama new pocha qo rhe hu mane howo rote jawab diya muhje se paisa laia 3 larko na or muhja be ta na mama muhje

by daniel a. rosenblum 2013, vol. 5 no. 10 | pg. 2/4 | « » cite references print 5 before the streets: livelihoods in rural bihar the children of rural bihar are connected with the rest of india unlike any other time in history. in the district town of sitamarhi, a place that sits some twenty miles from the nepal border, the skyline is littered with cell phone towers. on the streets below, walkways are filled with mud, trash, and cow dung. passersby trough through the mess to buy flee-bitten mitahi (sweets) and the sweltering fruits at nearby stands. for the children of sitamarhi, they live in this contrast—the severe juxtaposition of “modernity”3 and urbanization with the dilapidated infrastructure surrounding them. the villages within five miles of the district town scarcely receive electricity, prompting me to wonder how anyone with a cell phone was able to recharge their phones.4 the villages i spent the majority of my time in, amritpur and baksampur5, gave insight into the livelihoods of children in rural bihar. in amritpur, every corner and passageway of the village had more and more children. at times, it would seem the ratio of children to adults was ten to one. many of these children had prominent signs of malnutrition: kwashiorkor, stunned growth, and slowly healing infections (bhutta, black, cousens, & ahmed, 2008; som, pal, & bharati, 2007). one boy of about twelve, deepak, had a nasty infection on his lower leg that continued to worsen over the week i visited. however, there was no formal doctor in the village, only someone trained in basic medical practices. he would have to go to sitamarhi town to be given medicine, which would cost too much money for deepak’s mother. this was a problem all too common for children of rural bihar. school quality and attendance throughout sitamarhi district was quite mixed. a government school i visited in amritpur was highly understaffed, lacking proper materials and facilities, and seemed more of a social gathering point for youth. children would sit along the walls with other classmates drawing, talking, and laughing while the teachers and administrators sat near the entrance splitting their time between socializing and supervising. when we arrived, the teachers began to complain of uneven wage scales and low salaries, providing this as a link for chaos at the school. however, another school we visited in baksampur, which was run entirely by women, had sufficient materials, was properly staffed, and seemed to be extremely beneficial for the students. in both cases, there were noticeably tensions between attending school and working at home. especially for older children, many would work in the mornings, helping to transplant rice, and then check into school for the second half of the day. in some cases, children would stop attending school entirely in order to help at home, such as with the case of a lower caste girl in baksampur, hoja.6 pressure to earn began to outweigh the importance of schooling as the children grew older, leading to the abandonment of education in order to help the family. the livelihoods of bihari youth were rapidly transforming, surrounded by new “modern” pursuits and desires within a rural structure and community. lunch at an amritpur government school lunch photo credit: khushboo jain tracking agricultural transformations bihar’s agricultural history is extremely complex, wrapped among transforming government policy, development, and increasing mechanization of the agrarian system. prior to the green revolution taking hold in bihari agriculture, there was a structure of landholding: the zamindar system, established under the british raj. the system’s abolishment, however, is what i wish to focus on, in terms of the uneven effects it had on rural villages, landholdings, and landlessness. the zamindari was a system of landholding that consolidated fields in the hands of powerful village elites. for bihar, this meant most of the land fell in the hands of upper caste hindus (chaudhry, 1988). peasants were then typically tied to the land, working for the grain they produced, while remaining landless themselves. in the late 19th century, however, bihar began to feel the effects of commercialism, beginning a process of out-migration from both the zamindar and lower class populations. in the chapra region at the beginning of this century, upper castes had to resort to occupations other than agriculture. rajputs, an upper caste group, went out for ‘service’ along with lower class individuals, becoming “peons and durwans in estates of larger zamindars” (de haan 2002:120). out-migration existed in high numbers during the zamindari system for both landowners and lower caste laborers, yet the economic gaps between landowners and lower class, as well as the frequency of migration seemed to increase after the foundation of india and the subsequent abolishment of the colonial landholding system.
googal translate engby daniel a. rosenblum 2013, vol. 5 no. 10 | pg. 2/4 | « » cite references print 5 before the streets: livelihoods in rural bihar the children of rural bihar are connected with the rest of india unlike any other time in history. in the district town of sitamarhi, a place that sits some twenty miles from the nepal border, the skyline is littered with cell phone towers. on the streets below, walkways are filled with mud, trash, and cow dung. passersby trough through the mess to buy flee-bitten mitahi (sweets) and the sweltering fruits at nearby stands. for the children of sitamarhi, they live in this contrast—the severe juxtaposition of “modernity”3 and urbanization with the dilapidated infrastructure surrounding them. the villages within five miles of the district town scarcely receive electricity, prompting me to wonder how anyone with a cell phone was able to recharge their phones.4 the villages i spent the majority of my time in, amritpur and baksampur5, gave insight into the livelihoods of children in rural bihar. in amritpur, every corner and passageway of the village had more and more children. at times, it would seem the ratio of children to adults was ten to one. many of these children had prominent signs of malnutrition: kwashiorkor, stunned growth, and slowly healing infections (bhutta, black, cousens, & ahmed, 2008; som, pal, & bharati, 2007). one boy of about twelve, deepak, had a nasty infection on his lower leg that continued to worsen over the week i visited. however, there was no formal doctor in the village, only someone trained in basic medical practices. he would have to go to sitamarhi town to be given medicine, which would cost too much money for deepak’s mother. this was a problem all too common for children of rural bihar. school quality and attendance throughout sitamarhi district was quite mixed. a government school i visited in amritpur was highly understaffed, lacking proper materials and facilities, and seemed more of a social gathering point for youth. children would sit along the walls with other classmates drawing, talking, and laughing while the teachers and administrators sat near the entrance splitting their time between socializing and supervising. when we arrived, the teachers began to complain of uneven wage scales and low salaries, providing this as a link for chaos at the school. however, another school we visited in baksampur, which was run entirely by women, had sufficient materials, was properly staffed, and seemed to be extremely beneficial for the students. in both cases, there were noticeably tensions between attending school and working at home. especially for older children, many would work in the mornings, helping to transplant rice, and then check into school for the second half of the day. in some cases, children would stop attending school entirely in order to help at home, such as with the case of a lower caste girl in baksampur, hoja.6 pressure to earn began to outweigh the importance of schooling as the children grew older, leading to the abandonment of education in order to help the family. the livelihoods of bihari youth were rapidly transforming, surrounded by new “modern” pursuits and desires within a rural structure and community. lunch at an amritpur government school lunch photo credit: khushboo jain tracking agricultural transformations bihar’s agricultural history is extremely complex, wrapped among transforming government policy, development, and increasing mechanization of the agrarian system. prior to the green revolution taking hold in bihari agriculture, there was a structure of landholding: the zamindar system, established under the british raj. the system’s abolishment, however, is what i wish to focus on, in terms of the uneven effects it had on rural villages, landholdings, and landlessness. the zamindari was a system of landholding that consolidated fields in the hands of powerful village elites. for bihar, this meant most of the land fell in the hands of upper caste hindus (chaudhry, 1988). peasants were then typically tied to the land, working for the grain they produced, while remaining landless themselves. in the late 19th century, however, bihar began to feel the effects of commercialism, beginning a process of out-migration from both the zamindar and lower class populations. in the chapra region at the beginning of this century, upper castes had to resort to occupations other than agriculture. rajputs, an upper caste group, went out for ‘service’ along with lower class individuals, becoming “peons and durwans in estates of larger zamindars” (de haan 2002:120). out-migration existed in high numbers during the zamindari system for both landowners and lower caste laborers, yet the economic gaps between landowners and lower class, as well as the frequency of migration seemed to increase after the foundation of india and the subsequent abolishment of the colonial landholding system.lish to hindi