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Failures of metallic materials due to wear, corrosion and/or fatigue often start at the surface of manufactured products. The quality of the surface produced by manufacturing processes has critical influence on the functional performance of the products. The concept of ―surface integrity (SI)‖ was used to refer to the surface quality by Field and Kahles in 1964 and defined as ―the inherent or enhanced condition of a surface produced in machining or other surface generating operation‖ (Field and Kahles, 1964). They also developed a systematic method to study and evaluate the characteristic features of machined surfaces in three different levels as shown in Table 1.1 (Field et al., 1972). Among these SI factors, residual stress is one of the most frequently studied due to its proved relationship with fatigue life (Leverant et al., 1979; Sasahara, 2005). Microstructural changes, especially ―white layer‖ formation, are also well investigated because they were proved to reduce fatigue life (Hashimoto et al., 2006). Recently, more and more studies on surface integrity have been reported by researchers from various countries due to its close relationship with functional performance of the manufactured products (Jawahir et al., 2011). However, most of the current researches were conducted on difficult-to-machine materials, such as AISI 52100 steel, nickel-based superalloys and titanium alloys. The purpose of these studies was mainly to avoid the formation of undesirable surface integrity, including tensile residual stresses, white layer and other surface defects. The possibility of using manufacturing processes to improve functional 2 performance of manufactured products through inducing desirable surface integrity has not been well investigated.
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PERSONALITY PROCESSES AND INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES Needs and Subjective Well-Being Around the World Louis Tay University of Illinois at Urbana—Champaign Ed Diener University of Illinois at Urbana—Champaign and The Gallup Organization, Omaha, Nebraska Across a sample of 123 countries, we examined the association between the fulfillment of needs and subjective well-being (SWB), including life evaluation, positive feelings, and negative feelings. Need fulfillment was consistently associated with SWB across world regions. Life evaluation was most associated with fulfilling basic needs; positive feelings were most associated with social and respect needs; and negative feelings were most associated with basic, respect, and autonomy needs. Societal need fulfillment predicted SWB, particularly for life evaluation, beyond individuals’ fulfillment of their own needs, indicating the desirability of living in a flourishing society. In addition, the associations of SWB with the fulfillment of specific needs were largely independent of whether other needs were fulfilled. These trends persisted when household income was taken into account. The emergent ordering of need fulfillment for psychosocial needs were fairly consistent across country conditions, but the fulfillment of basic and safety needs were contingent on country membership. Keywords: universal needs, subjective well-being, societal context, ordering of needs, income In the current study, we examined the association between need fulfillment and subjective well-being (SWB). For many years, the idea of universal needs was out of favor because it was widely believed that socialization uniquely shapes the causes of wellbeing for each person and in each culture. Furthermore, it was often assumed that people adapt to circumstances so that in the long run only temperament influences SWB. However, in recent years, there has been a resurgence of interest in universal influences on “happiness” that might derive from universal aspects of human nature (Konner, 2002). For instance, Howell and Howell (2008) suggested that the declining marginal utility of money might be due to the fact that income influences SWB primarily when it is associated with the fulfillment of basic physical needs. Kenrick, Griskevicius, Neuberg, and Schaller (2010) suggested that Maslow’s (1954) list of needs might be derivable from evolutionary theory (see also Hill & Buss, 2007). These approaches are compatible with the idea that the respect of others, learning new things, and supportive social relationships are fundamental universal needs that do not require secondary pairing with more basic needs to influence SWB. Ryff and Keyes (1995) and Ryan and Deci (2000), like Maslow (1954) before them, proposed that there are universal human needs and that fulfillment of them is likely to enhance a person’s feelings of well-being. These theorists suggest that there are psychological needs, such as for close social relationships, mastery, and autonomy, which are wired into humans, and therefore, fulfilling these needs should lead to higher SWB. Coming from a sociological tradition, Veenhoven and Ehrhardt (1995) argued for “livability theory,” the idea that some societies have a higher quality of life because they have characteristics that are universally desirable for humans. Conversely, the anthropologist Edgerton (1992) argued that there are “sick societies” that do not produce happiness and health. What these views have in common is the idea that certain circumstances are required for high quality of life in all cultures and for all individuals. There are also likely individual and cultural differences in what people desire and find rewarding, but these can coexist with the universals. The present research builds on the study by Diener, Ng, Harter, and Arora (2010) in which the focus was on the role of income in predicting SWB; specifically, basic and psychosocial need fulfillment was found to be a channel by which income raises life evaluation. Given the primacy of needs in SWB, we seek to probe further to differentiate the role of the various needs in SWB. There are a number of implications and questions that follow from the proposal that the level of SWB can be explained by the fulfillment of universal human needs: 1. If the needs are indeed universal, they should apply to all individuals in all cultures. Although, there are individual different theories of needs (e.g., Murray & Kluckhohn, 1948), the theories This article was published Online First June 20, 2011. Louis Tay, Department of Psychology, University of Illinois at Urbana—Champaign; Ed Diener, Department of Psychology, University of Illinois at Urbana—Champaign and The Gallup Organization, Omaha, Nebraska. We acknowledge Carolyn Anderson and Jeroen Vermunt. We are grateful for their helpful suggestions on the multilevel item-response theory analysis. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Louis Tay, Department of Psychology, University of Illinois at Urbana— Champaign, 603 East Daniel Street, Champaign, IL 61820. E-mail: firstname.lastname@example.org Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 2011, Vol. 101, No. 2, 354–365 © 2011 American Psychological Association 0022-3514/11/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/a0023779 354 we test suggest that certain needs are universal in all humans and, therefore, should be related to SWB in all cultures. 2. Inherent in the idea of universal needs is that fulfillment explains some portion of variance in SWB. There are other influences on SWB, such as culture (Oishi, 2010; Triandis & Suh, 2002) and temperament (Lucas & Diener, 2008). However, if the needs are indeed built into people because they aid survival, it is likely that humans are constructed so as to experience the fulfillment of the needs as rewarding and the deprivation of them as punishing. An issue related to this is whether the deprivation of needs is synonymous with low SWB and whether the fulfillment of needs is associated with high SWB. 3. The needs should have a degree of independence from each other, with each making a contribution to SWB beyond the effects of the others. That is, regardless of whether other needs are met, each need will enhance well-being to some extent when it is fulfilled. The analogy of psychological needs to vitamins was drawn by Maslow (1954). Like vitamins, each of the needs is individually required, just as having much of one vitamin does not negate the need for other vitamins. All needs should independently contribute to SWB. Just because one has, for example, a large amount of food and safety, it does not follow that one’s need for social support diminishes. On the other hand, it may be that the fulfillment of multiple needs exerts synergistic effects to enhance SWB. For instance, does the fulfillment of respect and social needs lead to higher SWB over and above what might be expected from each alone? 4. Another important question is whether the societal context influences the importance of need fulfillment on SWB. Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi (2000) suggested that one limitation of humanistic psychology was that it overemphasized individual wellbeing without giving enough attention to collective well-being. With this in mind, we examined whether there are any independent effects of societal need fulfillment on people’s individual wellbeing. People’s well-being might depend not only on their success but also on the well-being of those around them (Christakis & Fowler, 2009), and therefore, the need fulfillment of others might influence a person’s well-being beyond the fulfillment of their own personal needs. 5. A final issue is whether needs are fulfilled in the order predicted by Maslow’s (1954) motivational theory. Past researchers found mixed evidence for the needs emerging in the order suggested by Maslow (Hagerty, 1999; Rauschenberger, Schmitt, & Hunter, 1980; Wicker, Brown, Wiehe, Hagen, & Reed, 1993). Thus, we examined the patterns in which needs are fulfilled and the degree to which societal contexts moderate the emergent ordering. The Gallup World Poll (GWP) included questions about six needs and three types of SWB. Because the GWP was so large and diverse, including the 123 countries used in this analysis that comprise the vast majority of the world’s adult population, generalizable inferences about humanity can be drawn. We examined needs derived from the work of Maslow (1954), Deci and Ryan (2000), Ryff and Keyes (1995), and others such as De Charms (1968) and Csikszentmihalyi (1988): ● Basic needs for food and shelter ● Safety and security ● Social support and love ● Feeling respected and pride in activities ● Mastery ● Self-direction and autonomy The needs we examined were dictated in part by the aforementioned theories of Maslow, Deci and Ryan, Ryff and Keyes, and Csikszentmihalyi and in part by the measures that were included in the GWP. We did not have a specific measure of self-acceptance, which is included in Ryff and Keyes’s theory, but we did have measures of “felt proud” and “are respected” to reflect Ryff and Keyes’s and Maslow’s concept of being respected and feeling worthy of respect. Our mastery need measure included “doing what one does best” and “learning new things” and, thus, reflects both mastery and growth. Thus, we had measures of Deci and Ryan’s needs and most of Maslow’s and Ryff and Keyes’s needs, although our measures do not map perfectly onto some categories. Nonetheless, our measures do reflect a broad and diverse set of needs, including basic, safety, and psychosocial needs. This analysis greatly expanded on the earlier study by Diener and colleagues (2010) by focusing on whether needs are necessary and sufficient for SWB across the world, the extent to which fulfilled needs produce independent or synergistic effects for SWB, whether societal fulfillment of needs leads to an increase in SWB beyond individual fulfillment of needs, and how needs are fulfilled in relation to one another. We examined each of the six needs in relation to three types of SWB—life evaluations, positive feelings, and negative feelings. Because recent scholarship suggested that types of SWB are separable, distinct (Kahneman, 1999; Lucas, Diener, & Suh, 1996), and differentially related to factors such as income (Diener et al., 2010), it is plausible that the needs might have different associations with different types of SWB. Maslow (1954) proposed that the fulfillment of universal needs would lead to both health and “happiness.” We have come to understand that “happiness” is in fact composed of discrete elements. Life evaluation, positive feelings, and negative feelings form clearly separable factors in selfreport, informant reports, and experience sampling (Lucas, Diener, & Suh, 1996). Thus, it is possible that the fulfillment of certain needs is more strongly associated with some types of “happiness” than with others. For instance, there seems to be a close connection between social relationships and extraversion, on one hand, and positive feelings, on the other (Bradburn, 1969; Lucas, Diener, Grob, Suh, & Shao, 2000), and a lesser relation between negative feelings and sociability. Similarly, one might hypothesize that feeling unsafe could produce negative emotions but that being safe might not produce long-lasting positive feelings. Summary of Research We assessed the relation of needs with SWB in each of eight sociocultural regions of the world—from Europe to Africa to Latin America. The GWP included rural and poor populations that have been underrepresented in past studies of SWB. Our goal was to examine the association of six needs with each of the three types of SWB, with representative samples across the major regions of the world, with the aim of answering several questions: What are UNIVERSAL NEEDS AND WELL-BEING 355 the associations of need fulfillment with SWB, and how general are these associations across cultures? Is the deprivation or fulfillment of needs linked to low and high SWB, respectively? Is the association of specific needs with SWB dependent on the fulfillment of other needs? Is there any influence on SWB of societal need fulfillment beyond individual need fulfillment? Finally, are needs typically fulfilled in the order described by Maslow? Method Sample The Gallup Organization conducted surveys of 155 countries, across the years 2005–2010, aimed at representing 95% of the world’s population. Representative sampling of the entire adult population within each nation was undertaken. In wealthy nations, this was achieved through telephone surveys based on randomdigit dialing, and in poorer nations in which telephones are less ubiquitous, this was accomplished by door-to-door interviews, with residences selected from geographical primary sampling units of household clusters (The Gallup Organization, 2009). Respondents within households were selected based on either the latest birthday or the Kish grid method. Up to three contacts per household, at different times of day, were used. A few regions of certain nations were not sampled due to safety concerns. In 123 nations, the GWP included the relevant need and SWB items. The nations we examined included representation from 66% of the world’s population. Within each country, analyses were conducted on individuals who responded to need and SWB items. Altogether, 60,865 individuals were asked the relevant survey items, with a mean of 494 respondents in each country. Out of these 60,865 individuals, 41,933 individuals were asked about their household income. The interviewers were individuals from each nation and were trained in interviewing techniques. Several features of the survey were designed to make responding easier for those not familiar with questionnaires, for example, simple yes–no responding to many items. The Gallup Organization has many decades of experience conducting surveys in diverse regions of the world. See the following website for methodological details on the sampling and measures: http:// www.gallup.com/se/128147/Worldwide-Research-Methodology .aspx World Regions In order to examine the universality of our findings across cultures, we divided nations into eight cultural regions that are similar to those used in the CIA Factbook, an authoritative source of world information. Societies within each region are not identical but share common features in terms of history, economic development, language root, religion, and so forth. Our eight regions were (a) Africa, (b) East and South Asia, (c) former Soviet Union nations, including Eastern Europe, (d) Latin America, (e) Middle East, (f) Northern Europe and Anglo nations, (g) Southeast Asia, and (h) Southern Europe. Measures Translation. In each nation, bilingual speakers translated the survey into one or more widespread languages. The translations were then reviewed by second bilingual speakers, who recommended refinements. Because of the very large number of different languages used in the surveys, it is unlikely that language differences created the systematic patterns of finding, although it is possible that they introduced random measurement error that reduced the size of correlations we found. In many cross-cultural studies that employ a small number of nations, translation can represent a systematic contaminant because translation differences could produce what appear to be cultural differences. However, with hundreds of translations used across over 100 nations, this concern is greatly reduced. Indeed, recent analyses of emotion terms of various translations across the world revealed pan-cultural dimensions (Tay, Diener, Drasgow, & Vermunt, 2011). SWB. Both cognitive and affective components of SWB (Diener, 1984, 2000) were assessed, which Kahneman (1999) has called remembered versus experienced well-being. A global life evaluation measure (Cantril Self-Anchoring Striving Scale; Cantril, 1965) asked respondents to evaluate their current life on a ladder scale, with steps ranging from 0 (worst possible life) to 10 (best possible life). Positive and negative feelings were assessed by aggregating items that tapped feelings experienced a lot in the previous day, on a dichotomous scale format (1 yes, 0 no). Positive items included “smile/laugh” and “enjoyment”; negative items included “worry,” “sadness,” “depression,” and “anger.” Cronbach’s alpha reliabilities for positive and negative emotions were .58 and .65, respectively. The reliabilities appear to be acceptable, given the dichotomous scale format and the short scale lengths. Needs. Basic needs for food and shelter were satisfied when in the past 12 months a respondent (a) had enough money for food, (b) had enough money for shelter, and (c) did not go hungry. Safety and security needs were met when individuals (a) felt safe walking alone, (b) did not have money and/or property stolen during the past 12 months (from either them or their family members), and (c) were not assaulted during the past 12 months. Similarly, social support and love were met when the respondents indicated that they (a) experienced love yesterday and (b) have others they can count on for help in an emergency. Respect and pride in activities were fulfilled for respondents who (a) felt they were treated with respect and (b) were proud of something. Mastery was met when an individual (a) had the experience of learning something and (b) did what she or he does best at work. Finally, coding for self-direction and autonomy was based on two variables: whether individuals could (a) choose how their time was spent and (b) whether they experienced freedom in life. In the following analyses and results, these variables are labeled, respectively, as “basic,” “safety,” “social,” “respect,” “mastery,” and “autonomy.” Needs were operationally defined as met (1) or unmet (0) through combinations of surveyed items, all of which were answered on a dichotomous yes–no scale. A need was scored as fulfilled (1) only if all items pertaining to that need were answered affirmatively and otherwise was scored as unfulfilled (0). Results The means and standard deviations for both individual- and country-level data are presented in Table 1. As can be seen, there is large variability between individuals in the fulfillment of needs and in SWB, as well as substantial variability among nations. It is important to note that there are no ceiling or floor effects on any of the variables. 356 TAY AND DIENER The Effects of Needs on SWB Correlations and Hierarchical Regressions of Needs and SWB Table 2 presents the zero-order correlations for the world and eight cultural regions among the six universal needs, log-income, and three SWB variables. An analysis of relative importance was conducted to assess the proportional contribution of each need to the variance accounted for in predicting SWB (Grömping, 2006). The relative weights shown in Table 3 take into account dependence on the order of entry in the regression by averaging over all possible orders (Kruskal, 1987). The rows in Table 3 present the Table 1 Means and Standard Deviations for Individual and Societal Data Measure Individuals Countries M SD M SD SWB Life evaluation 5.59 2.10 5.57 1.07 Positive feelings 0.75 0.36 0.74 0.09 Negative feelings 0.21 0.28 0.21 0.05 Needs Basic 0.67 0.47 0.66 0.21 Safety 0.53 0.50 0.54 0.15 Social 0.62 0.48 0.62 0.15 Respect 0.61 0.49 0.61 0.13 Mastery 0.49 0.50 0.48 0.13 Autonomy 0.52 0.50 0.50 0.14 Log household income 3.85 0.63 3.89 0.49 Note. SWB subjective well-being. Table 2 Zero-Order Correlations of Needs and Subjective Well-Being for the World and Cultural Regions Region Measure Basic Safety Social Respect Mastery Autonomy Log income Life evaluation World (N 60,854) 0.31 0.08 0.18 0.11 0.15 0.12 0.40 Africa (N
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