您搜索了: prompting (英语 - 印地语)

prompting %1
बता रहे% 1

the text to display when prompting the user to lock
उपयोगकर्ता को लॉक करने के लिए प्रेरित करने के दौरान पाठ प्रदर्शित करें

the text to display when prompting the user to unlock
उपयोगकर्ता को अनलॉक करने के लिए प्रेरित करने के दौरान पाठ प्रदर्शित करें

the tooltip to display when prompting the user to unlock
उपयोगकर्ता को अनलॉक करने के लिए प्रेरित करने के दौरान टूलटिप प्रदर्शित करें

the tooltip to display when prompting the user cannot obtain authorization
उपयोगकर्ता को सत्यापन प्राप्त करने के लिए प्रेरित करने के समय टूलटिप प्रदर्शित करें

add all new alarms and alarm templates to the default calendars, without prompting.
@ option: radio

if a prompting from satan should stir you , seek refuge with god : he is the all hearing and the all knowing .
और अगर तुम्हें शैतान की तरफ से वसवसा पैदा हो तो ख़ुदा की पनाह माँग लिया करो बेशक वह सुनता जानता है

add all new alarms and alarm templates to the default calendars, without prompting. @option: radio
@ option: radio

and if there prompt thee a prompting from the satan , see refugee with allah ; verily he is hearing , knowing .
अगर शैतान की तरफ से तुम्हारी दिल में किसी तरह का पैदा हो तो ख़ुदा से पनाह मॉगों उसमें तो शक़ ही नहीं कि वह बड़ा सुनने वाला वाक़िफकार है

suddenly and without any ostensible direction or prompting , crowds of hindus and muslims gathered in the streets to celebrate jointly the eve of independence , dancing and hugging one another .
एकाएक और बिना किसी स्पष्ट मार्गदर्शन या उकसावे के हिंदुओं और मुसलमानों के दल सड़कों पर जमा होकर स्वाधीनता की पूर्वबेला का जश्न मनाने लगे , नाचने और एक - दूसरे को प्यार से भींचने लगे ।

if this option is enabled, digikam applies the working color profile to an image, without prompting you about missing embedded profiles or embedded profiles different from the workspace profile.
फोटोग्राफ गुण

use wdfs option “ - ac” to accept ssl certificates without prompting the user . wdfs option “ - ac”
का प्रयोग करें ssl प्रमाणपत्र को बिना उपयोक्ता के प्रांप्ट किए प्रयोग किए .

a dengue vaccine being tested in five southeast asian countries has yielded encouraging results, prompting governments and researchers in the region to announce that the world’s first dengue vaccine could be available next year.
पांच दक्षिण एशियाई देशों में डेंगू टीके का परीक्षण उम्मीदें जगाने वाला रहा। इसके कारण इलाके की सरकारों और शोधकर्ताओं ने घोषणा की कि अगले साल तक डेंगू का सबसे पहला टीका बाजार में आ सकता है।

yasser arafat died last month . this month , his death is prompting plans for a foreign aid bounty of $ 500 million to $ 1 billion a year for the palestinian arabs .
फिलीस्तीनी अतिरिक्त सहायता के पात्र नहीं हैं

diwali the festival of light has all the charm, grandeur and splendor that can even illuminate our minds and hearts while also prompting the much needed peace, harmony and brotherhood in the society. it is a festival that unifies every religion, every home and every heart.
प्रकाश के त्योहार दिवाली में सभी आकर्षण, भव्यता और वैभव हैं जो समाज में शांति, सद्भाव और भाईचारे को बढ़ावा देने के साथ-साथ हमारे दिमाग और दिल को भी रोशन कर सकते हैं। यह एक ऐसा त्योहार है जो हर धर्म, हर घर और हर दिल को जोड़ता है।

googal translate engby daniel a. rosenblum 2013, vol. 5 no. 10 | pg. 2/4 | « » cite references print 5 before the streets: livelihoods in rural bihar the children of rural bihar are connected with the rest of india unlike any other time in history. in the district town of sitamarhi, a place that sits some twenty miles from the nepal border, the skyline is littered with cell phone towers. on the streets below, walkways are filled with mud, trash, and cow dung. passersby trough through the mess to buy flee-bitten mitahi (sweets) and the sweltering fruits at nearby stands. for the children of sitamarhi, they live in this contrast—the severe juxtaposition of “modernity”3 and urbanization with the dilapidated infrastructure surrounding them. the villages within five miles of the district town scarcely receive electricity, prompting me to wonder how anyone with a cell phone was able to recharge their phones.4 the villages i spent the majority of my time in, amritpur and baksampur5, gave insight into the livelihoods of children in rural bihar. in amritpur, every corner and passageway of the village had more and more children. at times, it would seem the ratio of children to adults was ten to one. many of these children had prominent signs of malnutrition: kwashiorkor, stunned growth, and slowly healing infections (bhutta, black, cousens, & ahmed, 2008; som, pal, & bharati, 2007). one boy of about twelve, deepak, had a nasty infection on his lower leg that continued to worsen over the week i visited. however, there was no formal doctor in the village, only someone trained in basic medical practices. he would have to go to sitamarhi town to be given medicine, which would cost too much money for deepak’s mother. this was a problem all too common for children of rural bihar. school quality and attendance throughout sitamarhi district was quite mixed. a government school i visited in amritpur was highly understaffed, lacking proper materials and facilities, and seemed more of a social gathering point for youth. children would sit along the walls with other classmates drawing, talking, and laughing while the teachers and administrators sat near the entrance splitting their time between socializing and supervising. when we arrived, the teachers began to complain of uneven wage scales and low salaries, providing this as a link for chaos at the school. however, another school we visited in baksampur, which was run entirely by women, had sufficient materials, was properly staffed, and seemed to be extremely beneficial for the students. in both cases, there were noticeably tensions between attending school and working at home. especially for older children, many would work in the mornings, helping to transplant rice, and then check into school for the second half of the day. in some cases, children would stop attending school entirely in order to help at home, such as with the case of a lower caste girl in baksampur, hoja.6 pressure to earn began to outweigh the importance of schooling as the children grew older, leading to the abandonment of education in order to help the family. the livelihoods of bihari youth were rapidly transforming, surrounded by new “modern” pursuits and desires within a rural structure and community. lunch at an amritpur government school lunch photo credit: khushboo jain tracking agricultural transformations bihar’s agricultural history is extremely complex, wrapped among transforming government policy, development, and increasing mechanization of the agrarian system. prior to the green revolution taking hold in bihari agriculture, there was a structure of landholding: the zamindar system, established under the british raj. the system’s abolishment, however, is what i wish to focus on, in terms of the uneven effects it had on rural villages, landholdings, and landlessness. the zamindari was a system of landholding that consolidated fields in the hands of powerful village elites. for bihar, this meant most of the land fell in the hands of upper caste hindus (chaudhry, 1988). peasants were then typically tied to the land, working for the grain they produced, while remaining landless themselves. in the late 19th century, however, bihar began to feel the effects of commercialism, beginning a process of out-migration from both the zamindar and lower class populations. in the chapra region at the beginning of this century, upper castes had to resort to occupations other than agriculture. rajputs, an upper caste group, went out for ‘service’ along with lower class individuals, becoming “peons and durwans in estates of larger zamindars” (de haan 2002:120). out-migration existed in high numbers during the zamindari system for both landowners and lower caste laborers, yet the economic gaps between landowners and lower class, as well as the frequency of migration seemed to increase after the foundation of india and the subsequent abolishment of the colonial landholding system.lish to hindi
by daniel a. rosenblum 2013, vol. 5 no. 10 | pg. 2/4 | « » cite references print 5 before the streets: livelihoods in rural bihar the children of rural bihar are connected with the rest of india unlike any other time in history. in the district town of sitamarhi, a place that sits some twenty miles from the nepal border, the skyline is littered with cell phone towers. on the streets below, walkways are filled with mud, trash, and cow dung. passersby trough through the mess to buy flee-bitten mitahi (sweets) and the sweltering fruits at nearby stands. for the children of sitamarhi, they live in this contrast—the severe juxtaposition of “modernity”3 and urbanization with the dilapidated infrastructure surrounding them. the villages within five miles of the district town scarcely receive electricity, prompting me to wonder how anyone with a cell phone was able to recharge their phones.4 the villages i spent the majority of my time in, amritpur and baksampur5, gave insight into the livelihoods of children in rural bihar. in amritpur, every corner and passageway of the village had more and more children. at times, it would seem the ratio of children to adults was ten to one. many of these children had prominent signs of malnutrition: kwashiorkor, stunned growth, and slowly healing infections (bhutta, black, cousens, & ahmed, 2008; som, pal, & bharati, 2007). one boy of about twelve, deepak, had a nasty infection on his lower leg that continued to worsen over the week i visited. however, there was no formal doctor in the village, only someone trained in basic medical practices. he would have to go to sitamarhi town to be given medicine, which would cost too much money for deepak’s mother. this was a problem all too common for children of rural bihar. school quality and attendance throughout sitamarhi district was quite mixed. a government school i visited in amritpur was highly understaffed, lacking proper materials and facilities, and seemed more of a social gathering point for youth. children would sit along the walls with other classmates drawing, talking, and laughing while the teachers and administrators sat near the entrance splitting their time between socializing and supervising. when we arrived, the teachers began to complain of uneven wage scales and low salaries, providing this as a link for chaos at the school. however, another school we visited in baksampur, which was run entirely by women, had sufficient materials, was properly staffed, and seemed to be extremely beneficial for the students. in both cases, there were noticeably tensions between attending school and working at home. especially for older children, many would work in the mornings, helping to transplant rice, and then check into school for the second half of the day. in some cases, children would stop attending school entirely in order to help at home, such as with the case of a lower caste girl in baksampur, hoja.6 pressure to earn began to outweigh the importance of schooling as the children grew older, leading to the abandonment of education in order to help the family. the livelihoods of bihari youth were rapidly transforming, surrounded by new “modern” pursuits and desires within a rural structure and community. lunch at an amritpur government school lunch photo credit: khushboo jain tracking agricultural transformations bihar’s agricultural history is extremely complex, wrapped among transforming government policy, development, and increasing mechanization of the agrarian system. prior to the green revolution taking hold in bihari agriculture, there was a structure of landholding: the zamindar system, established under the british raj. the system’s abolishment, however, is what i wish to focus on, in terms of the uneven effects it had on rural villages, landholdings, and landlessness. the zamindari was a system of landholding that consolidated fields in the hands of powerful village elites. for bihar, this meant most of the land fell in the hands of upper caste hindus (chaudhry, 1988). peasants were then typically tied to the land, working for the grain they produced, while remaining landless themselves. in the late 19th century, however, bihar began to feel the effects of commercialism, beginning a process of out-migration from both the zamindar and lower class populations. in the chapra region at the beginning of this century, upper castes had to resort to occupations other than agriculture. rajputs, an upper caste group, went out for ‘service’ along with lower class individuals, becoming “peons and durwans in estates of larger zamindars” (de haan 2002:120). out-migration existed in high numbers during the zamindari system for both landowners and lower caste laborers, yet the economic gaps between landowners and lower class, as well as the frequency of migration seemed to increase after the foundation of india and the subsequent abolishment of the colonial landholding system.