구글 검색

검색어: it jast mens that the value the person (영어 - 힌디어)

인적 기여

전문 번역가, 번역 회사, 웹 페이지 및 자유롭게 사용할 수 있는 번역 저장소 등을 활용합니다.

번역 추가

영어

힌디어

정보

영어

The value the zoom-in tool should use

힌디어

वह मूल्य जो ज़ूम- इन उपकरण उपयोग करे

마지막 업데이트: 2011-10-23
사용 빈도: 1
품질:

영어

The value the zoom-out tool should use

힌디어

वह मूल्य जो ज़ूम- आउट उपकरण उपयोग करे

마지막 업데이트: 2011-10-23
사용 빈도: 1
품질:

영어

The value the zoom-in tool should use.

힌디어

वह मूल्य जो ज़ूम- इन औज़ार उपयोग करे.

마지막 업데이트: 2011-10-23
사용 빈도: 1
품질:

영어

The value the zoom-out tool should use.

힌디어

वह मूल्य जो ज़ूम- आउट औज़ार उपयोग करे.

마지막 업데이트: 2011-10-23
사용 빈도: 1
품질:

영어

Is used to notify that the value has changed

힌디어

मान बदल चुका है यह बताने हेतु उपयोग में आता है

마지막 업데이트: 2014-08-20
사용 빈도: 1
품질:

영어

Given your English Language ability and the employment and remuneration you could reasonably expect to receive in your home country if you completed your intended course, I find that the value of the course to your future is not commensurate with the cost of undertaking this course in Australia.

힌디어

तपाईको अंग्रेजी भाषा क्षमता र रोजगार र पुनर्मिलनलाई दिईयो भने तपाईले आफ्नो घर देशमा उचित रूपमा प्राप्त गर्न सक्नुहुनेछ यदि तपाईले तपाइँको इच्छित पाठ्यक्रम पूरा गर्नुभयो भने, मैले फेला पारेको छ कि तपाईंको भविष्यको लागि पाठ्यक्रमको मूल्य अष्ट्रेलियामा यस पाठ्यक्रमको उपजको लागतको साथ आवश्यक छैन ।

마지막 업데이트: 2017-09-07
사용 빈도: 1
품질:

추천인: 익명

영어

They said: The requital of this is that the person in whose bag it is found shall himself be (held for) the satisfaction thereof; thus do we punish the wrongdoers.

힌디어

(वे धड़क) बोल उठे कि उसकी सज़ा ये है कि जिसके बोरे में वह (माल) निकले तो वही उसका बदला है (तो वह माल के बदले में ग़ुलाम बना लिया जाए)

마지막 업데이트: 2014-07-03
사용 빈도: 1
품질:

추천인: 익명

영어

They said: The requital of this is that the person in whose bag it is found shall himself be (held for) the satisfaction thereof; thus do we punish the wrongdoers.

힌디어

वे बोले, "उसका दंड यह है कि जिसके सामान में वह मिले वही उसका बदला ठहराया जाए। हम अत्याचारियों को ऐसा ही दंड देते है।"

마지막 업데이트: 2014-07-03
사용 빈도: 1
품질:

추천인: 익명
경고: 보이지 않는 HTML 형식이 포함되어 있습니다

영어

world with what the almighty God has used in blessing i and my late husband. The vision seems so terrific and i was so bothered that i had a day fasting and prayer over it and someone in my church then interpret the meaning of my dreams to me telling me that i am having something which is in need in the world and he want me to use it to bless the world and the person asked me to think very well because it is the voice of the Lord that has spoken to me and all that.I searched myself very well and i get to remember that i am having the fund which i and my husband had labored for so many years and i contacted the security company as the beneficiary of the funds and i was confirmed the owner of the funds and am asked to come around and get it exactly when am ready to but i should made awareness of when i will be coming so that proper arrangement would be made then but it is a pity i cant go which you know.I had another dream which made me realize that i must not be in possession of the money and i should go into the world and look for someone in the world to distribute the funds in a Godly manner. So i decided to search with the name related to a woman who took very good care of me when i was dump by my runaway parents. i was brought up in a motherless baby home and so i told my nurse to help me get an internet account after that i decided to search i got about 865 profiles and i prayed over it and you know whats funny ? among all the profiles i chose it was yours that the Lord has chosen to distribute this funds as a sacrifice from the lord to the world.It is a means of you been committed to the Lord and this will make you move closer to him as well and i am very sure that he must certainly have a reason why he want you to do this on his behalf please be strong and have faith in yourself and in me and make me realize that you will do it just because i know you can do it and i see you doing it right among everyone else.Hope i read from you soonest and please make sure that you never forget me in your prayers kindly get back to me thanks and God bless you and your household make a prayer over it and you will smell it around you sent me to you.God bless you a........in his riches..................Amen. Show quoted text

힌디어

QUERY LENGTH LIMIT EXCEDEED. MAX ALLOWED QUERY : 500 CHARS

마지막 업데이트: 2017-07-17
사용 빈도: 1
품질:

추천인: 익명

영어

Fukuyama Francis Fukuyama From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Yoshihiro Francis Fukuyama image from BloggingHeads.tv podcast Fukuyama in 2005 Born October 27, 1952 (age 63) Chicago, Illinois, U.S Website fukuyama.stanford.edu Institutions George Mason University[1] Johns Hopkins University Stanford University Main interests Developing nations Governance International political economy Nation-building and democratization Strategic and security issues Notable ideas End of history Influences [show] Yoshihiro Francis Fukuyama (born October 27, 1952) is an American political scientist, political economist, and author. Fukuyama is known for his book The End of History and the Last Man (1992), which argued that the worldwide spread of liberal democracies and free market capitalism of the West and its lifestyle may signal the end point of humanity's sociocultural evolution and become the final form of human government. However, his subsequent book Trust: Social Virtues and Creation of Prosperity (1995) modified his earlier position to acknowledge that culture cannot be cleanly separated from economics. Fukuyama is also associated with the rise of the neoconservative movement,[2] from which he has since distanced himself.[3] Fukuyama has been a Senior Fellow at the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law at Stanford University since July 2010.[4] Before that, he served as a professor and director of the International Development program at the School of Advanced International Studies of the Johns Hopkins University. Previously, he was Omer L. and Nancy Hirst Professor of Public Policy at the School of Public Policy at George Mason University.[4] He is a council member of the International Forum for Democratic Studies founded by the National Endowment for Democracy and was a member of the Political Science Department of the RAND Corporation.[5] Contents 1 Early life 2 Education 3 Writings 3.1 Neoconservatism 3.2 Fukuyama's current views 4 Affiliations 5 Personal life 6 See also 7 Selected bibliography 7.1 Scholarly works (partial list) 7.2 Books 7.3 Essays 8 See also 9 References 10 External links Early life Francis Fukuyama was born in the Hyde Park neighborhood of Chicago. His paternal grandfather fled the Russo-Japanese War in 1905 and started a shop on the west coast before being interned in the Second World War.[6] His father, Yoshio Fukuyama, a second-generation Japanese American, was trained as a minister in the Congregational Church, received a doctorate in sociology from the University of Chicago, and taught religious studies.[7][8][9] His mother, Toshiko Kawata Fukuyama, was born in Kyoto, Japan, and was the daughter of Shiro Kawata, founder of the Economics Department of Kyoto University and first president of Osaka City University.[10] Francis grew up in Manhattan as an only child, had little contact with Japanese culture, and did not learn Japanese.[7][8] His family moved to State College, Pennsylvania in 1967.[10] Education Fukuyama received his Bachelor of Arts degree in classics from Cornell University, where he studied political philosophy under Allan Bloom.[8][11] He initially pursued graduate studies in comparative literature at Yale University, going to Paris for six months to study under Roland Barthes and Jacques Derrida, but became disillusioned and switched to political science at Harvard University.[8] There, he studied with Samuel P. Huntington and Harvey Mansfield, among others. He earned his Ph.D. in political science at Harvard for his thesis on Soviet threats to intervene in the Middle East.[8][11] In 1979, he joined the global policy think tank RAND Corporation.[8] Fukuyama lived at the Telluride House and has been affiliated with the Telluride Association since his undergraduate years at Cornell, an education enterprise that was home to other significant leaders and intellectuals, including Steven Weinberg, Paul Wolfowitz and Kathleen Sullivan. Fukuyama was the Omer L. and Nancy Hirst Professor of Public Policy in the School of Public Policy at George Mason University from 1996 to 2000. Until July 10, 2010, he was the Bernard L. Schwartz Professor of International Political Economy and Director of the International Development Program at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies of Johns Hopkins University in Washington, D.C. He is now Olivier Nomellini Senior Fellow and resident in the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies at Stanford University.[11] Writings Fukuyama is best known as the author of The End of History and the Last Man, in which he argued that the progression of human history as a struggle between ideologies is largely at an end, with the world settling on liberal democracy after the end of the Cold War and the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. Fukuyama predicted the eventual global triumph of political and economic liberalism: What we may be witnessing is not just the end of the Cold War, or the passing of a particular period of postwar history, but the end of history as such.... That is, the end point of mankind's ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government. Authors like Ralf Dahrendorf argued in 1990 that the essay gave Fukuyama his 15 minutes of fame, which will be followed by a slide into obscurity.[12][13] He continued to remain a relevant and cited public intellectual leading American communitarian Amitai Etzioni to declare him "one of the few enduring public intellectuals. They are often media stars who are eaten up and spat out after their 15 minutes. But he has lasted."[14] One of the main reasons for the massive criticism against The End of History was the aggressive stance that it took towards postmodernism. Postmodern philosophy had, in Fukuyama's opinion, undermined the ideology behind liberal democracy, leaving the western world in a potentially weaker position.[15] The fact that Marxism and fascism had been proven untenable for practical use while liberal democracy still thrived was reason enough to embrace the hopeful attitude of the Progressive era, as this hope for the future was what made a society worth struggling to maintain. Postmodernism, which, by this time, had become embedded in the cultural consciousness, offered no hope and nothing to sustain a necessary sense of community, instead relying only on lofty intellectual premises.[16] Being a work that both praised the ideals of a group that had fallen out of favor and challenged the premises of the group that had replaced them, it was bound to create some controversy. Fukuyama has written a number of other books, among them Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity and Our Posthuman Future: Consequences of the Biotechnology Revolution. In the latter, he qualified his original "end of history" thesis, arguing that since biotechnology increasingly allows humans to control their own evolution, it may allow humans to alter human nature, thereby putting liberal democracy at risk.[17] One possible outcome could be that an altered human nature could end in radical inequality. He is a fierce enemy of transhumanism, an intellectual movement asserting that posthumanity is a desirable goal. In another work, The Great Disruption: Human Nature and the Reconstruction of Social Order, Fukuyama explores the origins of social norms, and analyses the current disruptions in the fabric of our moral traditions, which he considers as arising from a shift from the manufacturing to the information age. This shift is, he thinks, normal and will prove self-correcting, given the intrinsic human need for social norms and rules. In 2006, in America at the Crossroads, Fukuyama discusses the history of neoconservatism, with particular focus on its major tenets and political implications. He outlines his rationale for supporting the Bush administration, as well as where he believes it has gone wrong. In 2008, Fukuyama published the book Falling Behind: Explaining the Development Gap Between Latin America and the United States, which resulted from research and a conference funded by Grupo Mayan to gain understanding on why Latin America, once far wealthier than North America, fell behind in terms of development in only a matter of centuries. Discussing this book at a 2009 conference, Fukuyama outlined his belief that inequality within Latin American nations is a key impediment to growth. An unequal distribution of wealth, he stated, leads to social upheaval, which then results in stunted growth.[18] Neoconservatism As a key Reagan Administration contributor to the formulation of the Reagan Doctrine, Fukuyama is an important figure in the rise of neoconservatism, although his works came out years after Irving Kristol's 1972 book crystallized neoconservatism.[19] Fukuyama was active in the Project for the New American Century think tank starting in 1997, and as a member co-signed the organization's 1998 letter recommending that President Bill Clinton support Iraqi insurgencies in the overthrow of then-President of Iraq Saddam Hussein.[20] He was also among forty co-signers of William Kristol's September 20, 2001 letter to President George W. Bush after the September 11, 2001 attacks that suggested the U.S. not only "capture or kill Osama bin Laden", but also embark upon "a determined effort to remove Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq".[21] In a New York Times article from February 2006, Fukuyama, in considering the ongoing Iraq War, stated: "What American foreign policy needs is not a return to a narrow and cynical realism, but rather the formulation of a 'realistic Wilsonianism' that better matches means to ends."[22] In regard to neoconservatism he went on to say: "What is needed now are new ideas, neither neoconservative nor realist, for how America is to relate to the rest of the world – ideas that retain the neoconservative belief in the universality of human rights, but without its illusions about the efficacy of American power and hegemony to bring these ends about."[22] Fukuyama's current views Fukuyama began to distance himself from the neoconservative agenda of the Bush administration, citing its excessive militarism and embrace of unilateral armed intervention, particularly in the Middle East. By late 2003, Fukuyama had voiced his growing opposition to the Iraq War[23] and called for Donald Rumsfeld's resignation as Secretary of Defense.[24] At an annual dinner of the American Enterprise Institute in February 2004, Dick Cheney and Charles Krauthammer declared the beginning of a unipolar era under American hegemony. "All of these people around me were cheering wildly,"[25] Fukuyama remembers. He believes that the Iraq War was being blundered. "All of my friends had taken leave of reality."[25] He has not spoken to Paul Wolfowitz (previously a good friend) since.[25] Fukuyama declared he would not be voting for Bush,[26] and that the Bush administration had made three major mistakes:[citation needed] Overstating the threat of radical Islam to the US Failing to foresee the fierce negative reaction to its "benevolent hegemony". From the very beginning showing a negative attitude toward the United Nations and other intergovernmental organizations and not seeing that it would increase anti-Americanism in other countries Misjudging what was needed to bring peace in Iraq and being overly optimistic about the success with which social engineering of western values could be applied to Iraq and the Middle East in general. Fukuyama believes the US has a right to promote its own values in the world, but more along the lines of what he calls "realistic Wilsonianism", with military intervention only as a last resort and only in addition to other measures. A latent military force is more likely to have an effect than actual deployment. The US spends 43% of global military spending,[27] but Iraq shows there are limits to its effectiveness. The US should instead stimulate political and economic development and gain a better understanding of what happens in other countries. The best instruments are setting a good example and providing education and, in many cases, money. The secret of development, be it political or economic, is that it never comes from outsiders, but always from people in the country itself. One thing the US proved to have excelled in during the aftermath of World War II was the formation of international institutions. A return to support for these structures would combine American power with international legitimacy. But such measures require a lot of patience. This is the central thesis of his 2006 work America at the Crossroads. In a 2006 essay in The New York Times Magazine strongly critical of the invasion, he identified neoconservatism with Leninism. He wrote that neoconservatives:[28] believed that history can be pushed along with the right application of power and will. Leninism was a tragedy in its Bolshevik version, and it has returned as farce when practiced by the United States. Neoconservatism, as both a political symbol and a body of thought, has evolved into something I can no longer support. Fukuyama announced the end of the neoconservative moment and argued for the demilitarization of the War on Terrorism:[28] [W]ar is the wrong metaphor for the broader struggle, since wars are fought at full intensity and have clear beginnings and endings. Meeting the jihadist challenge is more of a "long, twilight struggle" [quoting John F. Kennedy's inaugural address] whose core is not a military campaign but a political contest for the hearts and minds of ordinary Muslims around the world. Fukuyama endorsed Barack Obama in the 2008 US presidential election. He states:[29] I'm voting for Barack Obama this November for a very simple reason. It is hard to imagine a more disastrous presidency than that of George W. Bush. It was bad enough that he launched an unnecessary war and undermined the standing of the United States throughout the world in his first term. But in the waning days of his administration, he is presiding over a collapse of the American financial system and broader economy that will have consequences for years to come. As a general rule, democracies don't work well if voters do not hold political parties accountable for failure. While John McCain is trying desperately to pretend that he never had anything to do with the Republican Party, I think it would be a travesty to reward the Republicans for failure on such a grand scale. Affiliations Between 2006 and 2008, Fukuyama advised Muammar Gaddafi as part of the Monitor Group, a consultancy firm based in Cambridge, MA.[30] In August 2005, Fukuyama co-founded The American Interest, a quarterly magazine devoted to the broad theme of "America in the World". He is currently chairman of the editorial board.[11] Fukuyama was a member of the RAND Corporation's Political Science Department from 1979 to 1980, 1983 to 1989, and 1995 to 1996. He is now a member of the Board of Trustees.[11] Fukuyama was a member of the President's Council on Bioethics from 2001 to 2004.[11] Fukuyama is a Fellow of the World Academy of Art and Science (WAAS). Fukuyama is on the steering committee for the Scooter Libby Legal Defense Trust.[31] Fukuyama is a long-time friend of Libby. They served together in the State Department in the 1980s. Fukuyama is a member of the Board of Counselors for the Pyle Center of Northeast Asian Studies at the National Bureau of Asian Research.[32] Fukuyama is on the board of Global Financial Integrity. Fukuyama is on the executive board of the Inter-American Dialogue. Personal life Fukuyama is a part-time photographer. He also has a keen interest in early-American furniture, which he reproduces by hand.[33] He is keenly interested in sound recording and reproduction, saying, "These days I seem to spend as much time thinking about gear as I do analyzing politics for my day job."[25] Fukuyama is married to Laura Holmgren, whom he met when she was a UCLA graduate student after he started working for the RAND Corporation.[8][11] He dedicated his book Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity to her. They live in California, with their three children, Julia, David, and John away in school. See also Daniel Bell Selected bibliography Scholarly works (partial list) The Soviet Union and Iraq since 1968, Rand research report, 1980 Books The End of History and the Last Man. Free Press, 1992. ISBN 0-02-910975-2 Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity. Free Press, 1995. ISBN 0-02-910976-0 The Great Disruption: Human Nature and the Reconstitution of Social Order. Free Press. 1999. ISBN 0-684-84530-X Our Posthuman Future: Consequences of the Biotechnology Revolution. New York, NY: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. 2002. ISBN 0-374-23643-7 State-Building: Governance and World Order in the 21st century. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. 2004. ISBN 0-8014-4292-3 America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and the Neoconservative Legacy. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. 2006. ISBN 0-300-11399-4 US edition After the Neo Cons: Where the Right went Wrong. London: Profile Books. 2006. ISBN 1-86197-922-3 UK edition Falling Behind: Explaining the Development Gap between Latin America and the United States (editor). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. 2008. ISBN 978-0-19-536882-6 The Origins of Political Order. New York, NY: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. 2011. ISBN 978-1-846-68256-8 Political Order and Political Decay: From the Industrial Revolution to the Globalization of Democracy. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. 2014. ISBN 978-0-374-22735-7 Essays The End of History?, The National Interest, Summer 1989 Women and the Evolution of World Politics, Foreign Affairs October 1998 Immigrants and Family Values, The Immigration Reader 1998. ISBN 1-55786-916-2 Human Nature and the Reconstruction of Social Order, The Atlantic Monthly, May 1999 Social capital and civil society, paper prepared for delivery at the International Monetary Fund Conference on Second Generation Reforms, October 1, 1999 The neoconservative moment, The National Interest, Summer 2004 After neoconservatism, The New York Times Magazine, February 19, 2006 Supporter's voice now turns on Bush, The New York Times Magazine, March 14, 2006 Why shouldn't I change my mind?, Los Angeles Times, April 9, 2006 The Fall of America, Inc. Newsweek, October 13, 2008 The New Nationalism and the Strategic Architecture of Northeast Asia Asia Policy January 2007 Left Out, The American Interest, January 2011 Is China Next?, The Wall Street Journal, March 12, 2011 The Future of History; Can Liberal Democracy Survive the Decline of the Middle Class?, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2012 What is Governance? Governance (journal), March 2013

힌디어

Francis Fukuyama From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Yoshihiro Francis Fukuyama image from BloggingHeads.tv podcast Fukuyama in 2005 Born October 27, 1952 (age 63) Chicago, Illinois, U.S Website fukuyama.stanford.edu Institutions George Mason University[1] Johns Hopkins University Stanford University Main interests Developing nations Governance International political economy Nation-building and democratization Strategic and security issues Notable ideas End of history Influences [show] Yoshihiro Francis Fukuyama (born October 27, 1952) is an American political scientist, political economist, and author. Fukuyama is known for his book The End of History and the Last Man (1992), which argued that the worldwide spread of liberal democracies and free market capitalism of the West and its lifestyle may signal the end point of humanity's sociocultural evolution and become the final form of human government. However, his subsequent book Trust: Social Virtues and Creation of Prosperity (1995) modified his earlier position to acknowledge that culture cannot be cleanly separated from economics. Fukuyama is also associated with the rise of the neoconservative movement,[2] from which he has since distanced himself.[3] Fukuyama has been a Senior Fellow at the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law at Stanford University since July 2010.[4] Before that, he served as a professor and director of the International Development program at the School of Advanced International Studies of the Johns Hopkins University. Previously, he was Omer L. and Nancy Hirst Professor of Public Policy at the School of Public Policy at George Mason University.[4] He is a council member of the International Forum for Democratic Studies founded by the National Endowment for Democracy and was a member of the Political Science Department of the RAND Corporation.[5] Contents 1 Early life 2 Education 3 Writings 3.1 Neoconservatism 3.2 Fukuyama's current views 4 Affiliations 5 Personal life 6 See also 7 Selected bibliography 7.1 Scholarly works (partial list) 7.2 Books 7.3 Essays 8 See also 9 References 10 External links Early life Francis Fukuyama was born in the Hyde Park neighborhood of Chicago. His paternal grandfather fled the Russo-Japanese War in 1905 and started a shop on the west coast before being interned in the Second World War.[6] His father, Yoshio Fukuyama, a second-generation Japanese American, was trained as a minister in the Congregational Church, received a doctorate in sociology from the University of Chicago, and taught religious studies.[7][8][9] His mother, Toshiko Kawata Fukuyama, was born in Kyoto, Japan, and was the daughter of Shiro Kawata, founder of the Economics Department of Kyoto University and first president of Osaka City University.[10] Francis grew up in Manhattan as an only child, had little contact with Japanese culture, and did not learn Japanese.[7][8] His family moved to State College, Pennsylvania in 1967.[10] Education Fukuyama received his Bachelor of Arts degree in classics from Cornell University, where he studied political philosophy under Allan Bloom.[8][11] He initially pursued graduate studies in comparative literature at Yale University, going to Paris for six months to study under Roland Barthes and Jacques Derrida, but became disillusioned and switched to political science at Harvard University.[8] There, he studied with Samuel P. Huntington and Harvey Mansfield, among others. He earned his Ph.D. in political science at Harvard for his thesis on Soviet threats to intervene in the Middle East.[8][11] In 1979, he joined the global policy think tank RAND Corporation.[8] Fukuyama lived at the Telluride House and has been affiliated with the Telluride Association since his undergraduate years at Cornell, an education enterprise that was home to other significant leaders and intellectuals, including Steven Weinberg, Paul Wolfowitz and Kathleen Sullivan. Fukuyama was the Omer L. and Nancy Hirst Professor of Public Policy in the School of Public Policy at George Mason University from 1996 to 2000. Until July 10, 2010, he was the Bernard L. Schwartz Professor of International Political Economy and Director of the International Development Program at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies of Johns Hopkins University in Washington, D.C. He is now Olivier Nomellini Senior Fellow and resident in the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies at Stanford University.[11] Writings Fukuyama is best known as the author of The End of History and the Last Man, in which he argued that the progression of human history as a struggle between ideologies is largely at an end, with the world settling on liberal democracy after the end of the Cold War and the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. Fukuyama predicted the eventual global triumph of political and economic liberalism: What we may be witnessing is not just the end of the Cold War, or the passing of a particular period of postwar history, but the end of history as such.... That is, the end point of mankind's ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government. Authors like Ralf Dahrendorf argued in 1990 that the essay gave Fukuyama his 15 minutes of fame, which will be followed by a slide into obscurity.[12][13] He continued to remain a relevant and cited public intellectual leading American communitarian Amitai Etzioni to declare him "one of the few enduring public intellectuals. They are often media stars who are eaten up and spat out after their 15 minutes. But he has lasted."[14] One of the main reasons for the massive criticism against The End of History was the aggressive stance that it took towards postmodernism. Postmodern philosophy had, in Fukuyama's opinion, undermined the ideology behind liberal democracy, leaving the western world in a potentially weaker position.[15] The fact that Marxism and fascism had been proven untenable for practical use while liberal democracy still thrived was reason enough to embrace the hopeful attitude of the Progressive era, as this hope for the future was what made a society worth struggling to maintain. Postmodernism, which, by this time, had become embedded in the cultural consciousness, offered no hope and nothing to sustain a necessary sense of community, instead relying only on lofty intellectual premises.[16] Being a work that both praised the ideals of a group that had fallen out of favor and challenged the premises of the group that had replaced them, it was bound to create some controversy. Fukuyama has written a number of other books, among them Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity and Our Posthuman Future: Consequences of the Biotechnology Revolution. In the latter, he qualified his original "end of history" thesis, arguing that since biotechnology increasingly allows humans to control their own evolution, it may allow humans to alter human nature, thereby putting liberal democracy at risk.[17] One possible outcome could be that an altered human nature could end in radical inequality. He is a fierce enemy of transhumanism, an intellectual movement asserting that posthumanity is a desirable goal. In another work, The Great Disruption: Human Nature and the Reconstruction of Social Order, Fukuyama explores the origins of social norms, and analyses the current disruptions in the fabric of our moral traditions, which he considers as arising from a shift from the manufacturing to the information age. This shift is, he thinks, normal and will prove self-correcting, given the intrinsic human need for social norms and rules. In 2006, in America at the Crossroads, Fukuyama discusses the history of neoconservatism, with particular focus on its major tenets and political implications. He outlines his rationale for supporting the Bush administration, as well as where he believes it has gone wrong. In 2008, Fukuyama published the book Falling Behind: Explaining the Development Gap Between Latin America and the United States, which resulted from research and a conference funded by Grupo Mayan to gain understanding on why Latin America, once far wealthier than North America, fell behind in terms of development in only a matter of centuries. Discussing this book at a 2009 conference, Fukuyama outlined his belief that inequality within Latin American nations is a key impediment to growth. An unequal distribution of wealth, he stated, leads to social upheaval, which then results in stunted growth.[18] Neoconservatism As a key Reagan Administration contributor to the formulation of the Reagan Doctrine, Fukuyama is an important figure in the rise of neoconservatism, although his works came out years after Irving Kristol's 1972 book crystallized neoconservatism.[19] Fukuyama was active in the Project for the New American Century think tank starting in 1997, and as a member co-signed the organization's 1998 letter recommending that President Bill Clinton support Iraqi insurgencies in the overthrow of then-President of Iraq Saddam Hussein.[20] He was also among forty co-signers of William Kristol's September 20, 2001 letter to President George W. Bush after the September 11, 2001 attacks that suggested the U.S. not only "capture or kill Osama bin Laden", but also embark upon "a determined effort to remove Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq".[21] In a New York Times article from February 2006, Fukuyama, in considering the ongoing Iraq War, stated: "What American foreign policy needs is not a return to a narrow and cynical realism, but rather the formulation of a 'realistic Wilsonianism' that better matches means to ends."[22] In regard to neoconservatism he went on to say: "What is needed now are new ideas, neither neoconservative nor realist, for how America is to relate to the rest of the world – ideas that retain the neoconservative belief in the universality of human rights, but without its illusions about the efficacy of American power and hegemony to bring these ends about."[22] Fukuyama's current views Fukuyama began to distance himself from the neoconservative agenda of the Bush administration, citing its excessive militarism and embrace of unilateral armed intervention, particularly in the Middle East. By late 2003, Fukuyama had voiced his growing opposition to the Iraq War[23] and called for Donald Rumsfeld's resignation as Secretary of Defense.[24] At an annual dinner of the American Enterprise Institute in February 2004, Dick Cheney and Charles Krauthammer declared the beginning of a unipolar era under American hegemony. "All of these people around me were cheering wildly,"[25] Fukuyama remembers. He believes that the Iraq War was being blundered. "All of my friends had taken leave of reality."[25] He has not spoken to Paul Wolfowitz (previously a good friend) since.[25] Fukuyama declared he would not be voting for Bush,[26] and that the Bush administration had made three major mistakes:[citation needed] Overstating the threat of radical Islam to the US Failing to foresee the fierce negative reaction to its "benevolent hegemony". From the very beginning showing a negative attitude toward the United Nations and other intergovernmental organizations and not seeing that it would increase anti-Americanism in other countries Misjudging what was needed to bring peace in Iraq and being overly optimistic about the success with which social engineering of western values could be applied to Iraq and the Middle East in general. Fukuyama believes the US has a right to promote its own values in the world, but more along the lines of what he calls "realistic Wilsonianism", with military intervention only as a last resort and only in addition to other measures. A latent military force is more likely to have an effect than actual deployment. The US spends 43% of global military spending,[27] but Iraq shows there are limits to its effectiveness. The US should instead stimulate political and economic development and gain a better understanding of what happens in other countries. The best instruments are setting a good example and providing education and, in many cases, money. The secret of development, be it political or economic, is that it never comes from outsiders, but always from people in the country itself. One thing the US proved to have excelled in during the aftermath of World War II was the formation of international institutions. A return to support for these structures would combine American power with international legitimacy. But such measures require a lot of patience. This is the central thesis of his 2006 work America at the Crossroads. In a 2006 essay in The New York Times Magazine strongly critical of the invasion, he identified neoconservatism with Leninism. He wrote that neoconservatives:[28] believed that history can be pushed along with the right application of power and will. Leninism was a tragedy in its Bolshevik version, and it has returned as farce when practiced by the United States. Neoconservatism, as both a political symbol and a body of thought, has evolved into something I can no longer support. Fukuyama announced the end of the neoconservative moment and argued for the demilitarization of the War on Terrorism:[28] [W]ar is the wrong metaphor for the broader struggle, since wars are fought at full intensity and have clear beginnings and endings. Meeting the jihadist challenge is more of a "long, twilight struggle" [quoting John F. Kennedy's inaugural address] whose core is not a military campaign but a political contest for the hearts and minds of ordinary Muslims around the world. Fukuyama endorsed Barack Obama in the 2008 US presidential election. He states:[29] I'm voting for Barack Obama this November for a very simple reason. It is hard to imagine a more disastrous presidency than that of George W. Bush. It was bad enough that he launched an unnecessary war and undermined the standing of the United States throughout the world in his first term. But in the waning days of his administration, he is presiding over a collapse of the American financial system and broader economy that will have consequences for years to come. As a general rule, democracies don't work well if voters do not hold political parties accountable for failure. While John McCain is trying desperately to pretend that he never had anything to do with the Republican Party, I think it would be a travesty to reward the Republicans for failure on such a grand scale. Affiliations Between 2006 and 2008, Fukuyama advised Muammar Gaddafi as part of the Monitor Group, a consultancy firm based in Cambridge, MA.[30] In August 2005, Fukuyama co-founded The American Interest, a quarterly magazine devoted to the broad theme of "America in the World". He is currently chairman of the editorial board.[11] Fukuyama was a member of the RAND Corporation's Political Science Department from 1979 to 1980, 1983 to 1989, and 1995 to 1996. He is now a member of the Board of Trustees.[11] Fukuyama was a member of the President's Council on Bioethics from 2001 to 2004.[11] Fukuyama is a Fellow of the World Academy of Art and Science (WAAS). Fukuyama is on the steering committee for the Scooter Libby Legal Defense Trust.[31] Fukuyama is a long-time friend of Libby. They served together in the State Department in the 1980s. Fukuyama is a member of the Board of Counselors for the Pyle Center of Northeast Asian Studies at the National Bureau of Asian Research.[32] Fukuyama is on the board of Global Financial Integrity. Fukuyama is on the executive board of the Inter-American Dialogue. Personal life Fukuyama is a part-time photographer. He also has a keen interest in early-American furniture, which he reproduces by hand.[33] He is keenly interested in sound recording and reproduction, saying, "These days I seem to spend as much time thinking about gear as I do analyzing politics for my day job."[25] Fukuyama is married to Laura Holmgren, whom he met when she was a UCLA graduate student after he started working for the RAND Corporation.[8][11] He dedicated his book Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity to her. They live in California, with their three children, Julia, David, and John away in school. See also Daniel Bell Selected bibliography Scholarly works (partial list) The Soviet Union and Iraq since 1968, Rand research report, 1980 Books The End of History and the Last Man. Free Press, 1992. ISBN 0-02-910975-2 Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity. Free Press, 1995. ISBN 0-02-910976-0 The Great Disruption: Human Nature and the Reconstitution of Social Order. Free Press. 1999. ISBN 0-684-84530-X Our Posthuman Future: Consequences of the Biotechnology Revolution. New York, NY: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. 2002. ISBN 0-374-23643-7 State-Building: Governance and World Order in the 21st century. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. 2004. ISBN 0-8014-4292-3 America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and the Neoconservative Legacy. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. 2006. ISBN 0-300-11399-4 US edition After the Neo Cons: Where the Right went Wrong. London: Profile Books. 2006. ISBN 1-86197-922-3 UK edition Falling Behind: Explaining the Development Gap between Latin America and the United States (editor). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. 2008. ISBN 978-0-19-536882-6 The Origins of Political Order. New York, NY: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. 2011. ISBN 978-1-846-68256-8 Political Order and Political Decay: From the Industrial Revolution to the Globalization of Democracy. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. 2014. ISBN 978-0-374-22735-7 Essays The End of History?, The National Interest, Summer 1989 Women and the Evolution of World Politics, Foreign Affairs October 1998 Immigrants and Family Values, The Immigration Reader 1998. ISBN 1-55786-916-2 Human Nature and the Reconstruction of Social Order, The Atlantic Monthly, May 1999 Social capital and civil society, paper prepared for delivery at the International Monetary Fund Conference on Second Generation Reforms, October 1, 1999 The neoconservative moment, The National Interest, Summer 2004 After neoconservatism, The New York Times Magazine, February 19, 2006 Supporter's voice now turns on Bush, The New York Times Magazine, March 14, 2006 Why shouldn't I change my mind?, Los Angeles Times, April 9, 2006 The Fall of America, Inc. Newsweek, October 13, 2008 The New Nationalism and the Strategic Architecture of Northeast Asia Asia Policy January 2007 Left Out, The American Interest, January 2011 Is China Next?, The Wall Street Journal, March 12, 2011 The Future of History; Can Liberal Democracy Survive the Decline of the Middle Class?, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2012 What is Governance? Governance (journal), March 2013

마지막 업데이트: 2016-07-05
사용 빈도: 1
품질:

추천인: 익명
경고: 보이지 않는 HTML 형식이 포함되어 있습니다

영어

विद्वान सेटिंग 1 Students’ Research Global Media Journal – Indian Edition/ISSN 2249 - 5835 Sponsored by the University of Calcutta/ www.caluniv.ac.in Summer Issue / June 2012 Vol. 3/No.1 GENDER REFLECTIONS IN MAINSTREAM HINDI CINEMA Nidhi Shendurnikar Tere Junior Resea rch Scholar Department of Political Science, Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda, Gujarat , India Website: http://www.msubaroda.ac.in Email: mailtonidhi@sify.com , Blog: www.68pagesofmylife.blospot.com Abstract : Cinema is meant and believed to entertain, to take the viewer to a world that is starkly different from the real one, a world which provides escape from the daily grind of life. Cinema is a popular media of mass consumption which plays a key role in moulding opinions, constructing images and reinforcing dominant cultural values. The paper deals with representations of women characters in mainstream Bollywood movies. It is deemed appropriate to exami ne this issue because women are a major chunk of the country‟s population and hence their portrayal on screen is crucial in determining the furtherance of already existing stereotypes in the society. The paper begins with a discussion on the field of femin ist film criticism and how mainstream Hindi Cinema has restricted itself to defined sketches of womanhood. It also undertakes some glimpses from popular films to analyse this process of stereotyping the „other‟ – considering that reality in mainstream cine ma is constructed from the male view point. A section is devoted to discussion on contemporary realistic brand of cinema and its understanding of women . In conclusion , a debate ensues on whether mainstream Hindi cinema has been successful in portraying Ind ian women of different shades in a society dominated by patriarchal values. Key Words : Cinema, popular, media, women, Bollywood, movies, stereotypes, feminist, mainstream, patriarchal Feminist Film Criticism The issues of media, identity and gender are being discussed all over today. They have become integral to the discipline of media studies. The reason is the popularity and diversity of media as a source of mass consumption and its influence on constructing ideas and generating debate. The media scene in India has expanded in the recent times as there is a plethora of media choices available to the audiences. Media structures and systems have also undergone a sea change with privatization and globalization. Huge corporations with their own profit motiv es own media houses. Media has been able to transcend borders and look at issues more holistically rather than in the context of nationalism. Hence, these developments are bound to affect the manner in which media scrutinizes and covers any issue – gender being an important one. Women are also major consumers of mass media and thus the way they are represented in media coverage is a major concern for the discipline. Several international forums have recognized the ramifications of such a transformed media e nvironment on women‟s access to media, their role in the media structure and the presentation of their perspective in media coverage. i In this paper, there has been an attempt to examine the relationship between women and popular Hindi cinema. While cinema in India is in itself a diverse strand of expression incorporating mainstream cinema which holds popular appeal, art/parallel cinema that engages with social issues, middle cinema and regional language cinema. The explorations in this paper are limited to mainstream/popular Hindi cinema better known as 2 „Bollywood‟ 1 because such cinema is seen to exercise widespread influence over people and enjoys mass appeal. Popular cinema and culture derive from each other. Films are believed to be the opium of the Indi an masses as people rely on this medium to help them escape to a world of fantasy. ii In a very explicit way, cinema 2 has shaped the cultural, social and political values of people of this country. While, the other forms of cinema are also important when it comes to the representation of women, restricting to popular cinema is the core concern of the paper. The interest in films taken by feminists stems from concern about the under - representation and misrepresentation of women in cinema. It adopts a critical approach towards gender bias on celluloid. The feminist approach to cinema asks a few pertinent questions like how women are represented on screen, how women‟s issues are treated in cinema, what does feminism mean to film - makers, how does the feminist age nda manifest on screen, how is the women character positioned vis a vis the male character and what is the role of women film - makers and women writers in depicting women‟s issues through cinema. iii Feminist critique of cinema has helped to view the reality p resented by cinema in a different way and thus has contributed significantly to the discipline of media studies as well as film studies. Certain underlying aspects of a popular medium can only be brought to surface by criticism, scrutiny and introspection and feminists have attempted to do it with cinema as well as with other fields of study and practice. The links between Women‟s Studies and Cinema are evident. After the women‟s movement, the field of women‟s studies has allied with almost every disciplin e to provide an alternative perspective of knowledge and reality as viewed by the practitioners and academia of the discipline. Feminist theory took up a distinct stance in relation to the objectification, exclusion and silence of women in cinematic narrat ives. It also evaluated the stereotyping of female characters in cinema. For eg: In „Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema‟ (Laura Mulvey, 1975) , the male character was identified as the driver of the film‟s narrative, the character followed by the camera. The female character served as a spectacle to provide pleasure to the male spectator, for which Mulvey used the term „gaze‟ . iv The theory of „Absences and Presences‟ was concerned with the absence of a certain type of female characters in films and the pres ence of the other type, which was seen to be influenced by patriarchal values. Thus feminist theory in its critique of films incorporated the valorisation of women‟s experiences thereby posing a challenge to gender hierarchy as well as opening up new realm s for a post - gendered future. The paper in its ensuing sections will build an argument about the portrayal of women in Hindi cinema based on various strands of f eminist film criticism which have certainly enriched our understanding of women on screen. The Leading Lady’s Sketch Though there exists a body of feminist film making in Hindi cinema, the leading lady of Hindi films has more or less played defined roles which conform to the values upheld by Indian society. Women in Bollywood have been uni - dimensi onal characters, who are good or bad, white or black. There are no shades of grey. This dichotomy was reinforced in popular films which distinguished between the heroine and the vamp, the wife and the other woman. Films have also been inspired to a large e xtent from religion and mythology whereby women characters were seen as the epitome of virtue and values, those who could do no wrong. The image of women as „Sita‟ has been repeatedly evoked in many films after independence. Through the ideas of loyalty an d obedience to the husband, Hindi cinema successfully institutionalized patriarchal values. Films like „Dahej‟ (1950), „Gauri‟ (1968), „Devi‟ (1970), „Biwi ho to Aisi‟ (1988), „Pati Parmeshwar‟ (1988) depicted women as passive, submissive wives as perfect figure s and martyrs for their own families. In these films, though the practices of 1 According to Wikipedia, Bollywood is the informal term popularly used for the Hindi - language film industry based in Mumbai , Maharashtra . The term is often incorr ectly used to refer to the whole of Indian cinema ; it is only a part of the total Indian film industry, which includes other production centers producing films in regional langua ges . It is one of the largest centers of film production in the world. 2 The term ‘Cinema’ henceforth in this paper will signify mainstream/popular Hindi films

힌디어

विद्वान सेटिंग

마지막 업데이트: 2015-08-16
사용 빈도: 1
품질:

추천인: 익명

영어

The Convention on the Rights of the Child was adopted and opened for signature, ratification and accession by General Assembly resolution 44/25 of 20 November 1989. It entered into force 2 September 1990, in accordance with article 49. Status of ratifications Preamble The States Parties to the present Convention, Considering that, in accordance with the principles proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations, recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world, Bearing in mind that the peoples of the United Nations have, in the Charter, reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human rights and in the dignity and worth of the human person and have determined to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom, Recognizing that the United Nations has, in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and in the International Covenants on Human Rights, proclaimed and agreed that everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth therein, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status, Recalling that, in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the United Nations has proclaimed that childhood is entitled to special care and assistance, Convinced that the family, as the fundamental group of society and the natural environment for the growth and well-being of all its members and particularly children, should be afforded the necessary protection and assistance so that it can fully assume its responsibilities within the community, Recognizing that the child, for the full and harmonious development of his or her personality, should grow up in a family environment, in an atmosphere of happiness, love and understanding, Considering that the child should be fully prepared to live an individual life in society and brought up in the spirit of the ideals proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations and in particular in the spirit of peace, dignity, tolerance, freedom, equality and solidarity, Bearing in mind that the need to extend particular care to the child has been stated in the Geneva Declaration of the Rights of the Child of 1924 and in the Declaration of the Rights of the Child adopted by the General Assembly on 20 November 1959 and recognized in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (in particular in articles 23 and 24), in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (in particular in article 10) and in the statutes and relevant instruments of specialized agencies and international organizations concerned with the welfare of children, ' Bearing in mind that, as indicated in the Declaration of the Rights of the Child, "the child, by reason of his physical and mental immaturity, needs special safeguards and care, including appropriate legal protection, before as well as after birth", Recalling the provisions of the Declaration on Social and Legal Principles relating to the Protection and Welfare of Children, with Special Reference to Foster Placement and Adoption Nationally and Internationally; the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Administration of Juvenile Justice (The Beijing Rules) ; and the Declaration on the Protection of Women and Children in Emergency and Armed Conflict, Recognizing that, in all countries in the world, there are children living in exceptionally difficult conditions and that such children need special consideration, Taking due account of the importance of the traditions and cultural values of each people for the protection and harmonious development of the child, Recognizing the importance of international co-operation for improving the living conditions of children in every country, in particular in the developing countries, Have agreed as follows: Part I Article 1 For the purposes of the present Convention, a child means every human being below the age of eighteen years unless under the law applicable to the child, majority is attained earlier. Article 2 1. States Parties shall respect and ensure the rights set forth in the present Convention to each child within their jurisdiction without discrimination of any kind, irrespective of the child's or his or her parent's or legal guardian's race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national, ethnic or social origin, property, disability, birth or other status. 2. States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to ensure that the child is protected against all forms of discrimination or punishment on the basis of the status, activities, expressed opinions, or beliefs of the child's parents, legal guardians, or family members. Article 3 1. In all actions concerning children, whether undertaken by public or private social welfare institutions, courts of law, administrative authorities or legislative bodies, the best interests of the child shall be a primary consideration. 2. States Parties undertake to ensure the child such protection and care as is necessary for his or her well-being, taking into account the rights and duties of his or her parents, legal guardians, or other individuals legally responsible for him or her, and, to this end, shall take all appropriate legislative and administrative measures. 3. States Parties shall ensure that the institutions, services and facilities responsible for the care or protection of children shall conform with the standards established by competent authorities, particularly in the areas of safety, health, in the number and suitability of their staff, as well as competent supervision. Article 4 States Parties shall undertake all appropriate legislative, administrative and other measures for the implementation of the rights recognized in the present Convention. With regard to economic, social and cultural rights, States Parties shall undertake such measures to the maximum extent of their available resources and, where needed, within the framework of international co-operation. Article 5 States Parties shall respect the responsibilities, rights and duties of parents or, where applicable, the members of the extended family or community as provided for by local custom, legal guardians or other persons legally responsible for the child, to provide, in a manner consistent with the evolving capacities of the child, appropriate direction and guidance in the exercise by the child of the rights recognized in the present Convention. Article 6 1. States Parties recognize that every child has the inherent right to life. 2. States Parties shall ensure to the maximum extent possible the survival and development of the child. Article 7 1. The child shall be registered immediately after birth and shall have the right from birth to a name, the right to acquire a nationality and. as far as possible, the right to know and be cared for by his or her parents. 2. States Parties shall ensure the implementation of these rights in accordance with their national law and their obligations under the relevant international instruments in this field, in particular where the child would otherwise be stateless. Article 8 1. States Parties undertake to respect the right of the child to preserve his or her identity, including nationality, name and family relations as recognized by law without unlawful interference. 2. Where a child is illegally deprived of some or all of the elements of his or her identity, States Parties shall provide appropriate assistance and protection, with a view to re-establishing speedily his or her identity. Article 9 1. States Parties shall ensure that a child shall not be separated from his or her parents against their will, except when competent authorities subject to judicial review determine, in accordance with applicable law and procedures, that such separation is necessary for the best interests of the child. Such determination may be necessary in a particular case such as one involving abuse or neglect of the child by the parents, or one where the parents are living separately and a decision must be made as to the child's place of residence. 2. In any proceedings pursuant to paragraph 1 of the present article, all interested parties shall be given an opportunity to participate in the proceedings and make their views known. 3. States Parties shall respect the right of the child who is separated from one or both parents to maintain personal relations and direct contact with both parents on a regular basis, except if it is contrary to the child's best interests. 4. Where such separation results from any action initiated by a State Party, such as the detention, imprisonment, exile, deportation or death (including death arising from any cause while the person is in the custody of the State) of one or both parents or of the child, that State Party shall, upon request, provide the parents, the child or, if appropriate, another member of the family with the essential information concerning the whereabouts of the absent member(s) of the family unless the provision of the information would be detrimental to the well-being of the child. States Parties shall further ensure that the submission of such a request shall of itself entail no adverse consequences for the person(s) concerned. Article 10 1. In accordance with the obligation of States Parties under article 9, paragraph 1, applications by a child or his or her parents to enter or leave a State Party for the purpose of family reunification shall be dealt with by States Parties in a positive, humane and expeditious manner. States Parties shall further ensure that the submission of such a request shall entail no adverse consequences for the applicants and for the members of their family. 2. A child whose parents reside in different States shall have the right to maintain on a regular basis, save in exceptional circumstances personal relations and direct contacts with both parents. Towards that end and in accordance with the obligation of States Parties under article 9, paragraph 1, States Parties shall respect the right of the child and his or her parents to leave any country, including their own and to enter their own country. The right to leave any country shall be subject only to such restrictions as are prescribed by law and which are necessary to protect the national security, public order (ordre public), public health or morals or the rights and freedoms of others and are consistent with the other rights recognized in the present Convention. Article 11 1. States Parties shall take measures to combat the illicit transfer and non-return of children abroad. 2. To this end, States Parties shall promote the conclusion of bilateral or multilateral agreements or accession to existing agreements. Article 12 1. States Parties shall assure to the child who is capable of forming his or her own views the right to express those views freely in all matters affecting the child, the views of the child being given due weight in accordance with the age and maturity of the child. 2. For this purpose, the child shall in particular be provided the opportunity to be heard in any judicial and administrative proceedings affecting the child, either directly, or through a representative or an appropriate body, in a manner consistent with the procedural rules of national law. Article 13 1. The child shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of the child's choice. 2. The exercise of this right may be subject to certain restrictions, but these shall only be such as are provided by law and are necessary: (a) For respect of the rights or reputations of others; or (b) For the protection of national security or of public order (ordre public), or of public health or morals. Article 14 1. States Parties shall respect the right of the child to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. 2. States Parties shall respect the rights and duties of the parents and, when applicable, legal guardians, to provide direction to the child in the exercise of his or her right in a manner consistent with the evolving capacities of the child. 3. Freedom to manifest one's religion or beliefs may be subject only to such limitations as are prescribed by law and are necessary to protect public safety, order, health or morals, or the fundamental rights and freedoms of others. Article 15 1. States Parties recognize the rights of the child to freedom of association and to freedom of peaceful assembly. 2. No restrictions may be placed on the exercise of these rights other than those imposed in conformity with the law and which are necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security or public safety, public order (ordre public), the protection of public health or morals or the protection of the rights and freedoms of others. Article 16 1. No child shall be subjected to arbitrary or unlawful interference with his or her privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to unlawful attacks on his or her honour and reputation. 2. The child has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks. Article 17 States Parties recognize the important function performed by the mass media and shall ensure that the child has access to information and material from a diversity of national and international sources, especially those aimed at the promotion of his or her social, spiritual and moral well-being and physical and mental health. To this end, States Parties shall: (a) Encourage the mass media to disseminate information and material of social and cultural benefit to the child and in accordance with the spirit of article 29; (b) Encourage international co-operation in the production, exchange and dissemination of such information and material from a diversity of cultural, national and international sources; (c) Encourage the production and dissemination of children's books; (d) Encourage the mass media to have particular regard to the linguistic needs of the child who belongs to a minority group or who is indigenous; (e) Encourage the development of appropriate guidelines for the protection of the child from information and material injurious to his or her well-being, bearing in mind the provisions of articles 13 and 18. Article 18 1. States Parties shall use their best efforts to ensure recognition of the principle that both parents have common responsibilities for the upbringing and development of the child. Parents or, as the case may be, legal guardians, have the primary responsibility for the upbringing and development of the child. The best interests of the child will be their basic concern. 2. For the purpose of guaranteeing and promoting the rights set forth in the present Convention, States Parties shall render appropriate assistance to parents and legal guardians in the performance of their child-rearing responsibilities and shall ensure the development of institutions, facilities and services for the care of children. 3. States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to ensure that children of working parents have the right to benefit from child-care services and facilities for which they are eligible. Article 19 1. States Parties shall take all appropriate legislative, administrative, social and educational measures to protect the child from all forms of physical or mental violence, injury or abuse, neglect or negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation, including sexual abuse, while in the care of parent(s), legal guardian(s) or any other person who has the care of the child. 2. Such protective measures should, as appropriate, include effective procedures for the establishment of social programmes to provide necessary support for the child and for those who have the care of the child, as well as for other forms of prevention and for identification, reporting, referral, investigation, treatment and follow-up of instances of child maltreatment described heretofore, and, as appropriate, for judicial involvement. Article 20 1. A child temporarily or permanently deprived of his or her family environment, or in whose own best interests cannot be allowed to remain in that environment, shall be entitled to special protection and assistance provided by the State. 2. States Parties shall in accordance with their national laws ensure alternative care for such a child. 3. Such care could include, inter alia, foster placement, kafalah of Islamic law, adoption or if necessary placement in suitable institutions for the care of children. When considering solutions, due regard shall be paid to the desirability of continuity in a child's upbringing and to the child's ethnic, religious, cultural and linguistic background. Article 21 States Parties that recognize and/or permit the system of adoption shall ensure that the best interests of the child shall be the paramount consideration and they shall: (a) Ensure that the adoption of a child is authorized only by competent authorities who determine, in accordance with applicable law and procedures and on the basis of all pertinent and reliable information, that the adoption is permissible in view of the child's status concerning parents, relatives and legal guardians and that, if required, the persons concerned have given their informed consent to the adoption on the basis of such counselling as may be necessary; (b) Recognize that inter-country adoption may be considered as an alternative means of child's care, if the child cannot be placed in a foster or an adoptive family or cannot in any suitable manner be cared for in the child's country of origin; (c) Ensure that the child concerned by inter-country adoption enjoys safeguards and standards equivalent to those existing in the case of national adoption; (d) Take all appropriate measures to ensure that, in inter-country adoption, the placement does not result in improper financial gain for those involved in it; (e) Promote, where appropriate, the objectives of the present article by concluding bilateral or multilateral arrangements or agreements and endeavour, within this framework, to ensure that the placement of the child in another country is carried out by competent authorities or organs. Article 22 1. States Parties shall take appropriate measures to ensure that a child who is seeking refugee status or who is considered a refugee in accordance with applicable international or domestic law and procedures shall, whether unaccompanied or accompanied by his or her parents or by any other person, receive appropriate protection and humanitarian assistance in the enjoyment of applicable rights set forth in the present Convention and in other international human rights or humanitarian instruments to which the said States are Parties. 2. For this purpose, States Parties shall provide, as they consider appropriate, co-operation in any efforts by the United Nations and other competent intergovernmental organizations or non-governmental organizations co-operating with the United Nations to protect and assist such a child and to trace the parents or other members of the family of any refugee child in order to obtain information necessary for reunification with his or her family. In cases where no parents or other members of the family can be found, the child shall be accorded the same protection as any other child permanently or temporarily deprived of his or her family environment for any reason, as set forth in the present Convention. Article 23 1. States Parties recognize that a mentally or physically disabled child shoul

힌디어

hand pur

마지막 업데이트: 2015-05-08
사용 빈도: 1
품질:

추천인: 익명
경고: 보이지 않는 HTML 형식이 포함되어 있습니다

영어

visthapan ke symasya Infrastructural development projects frequently result in the displacement of peoples from home giving way to dams, highways, or other large-scale construction projects. This Article focuses on applying an ethical analysis of the tension between the right to development, on the one hand, and the resulting risks to human security and their human rights, on the other hand. The authors argue that displacement is a multidimensional phenomenon, not confined to physical relocation. It reduces the "quality of life" of human beings into sub-human conditions. Studies on the social impact of development projects suggest that displacement mostly affects indigenous people and ethnic minorities. Unsystematic and piecemeal approach to development has resulted in depletion of the environment and loss of ecological balance. It is suggested that this unsystematic displacement of humans amounts to a gross violation of Article 21 of the Constitution of India. The judiciary has further played an important role in protection of environment by incorporating "right to clean and healthy environment" under Article 21. The founding fathers of the Constitution, under Article 39, imposed a mandate on the state towards distribution of resources so as to subserve common good. However, the law which has been consistently invoked for land acquisition is a pre-constitutional law dated 1894 with 'compensation' as the only remedy for the persons affected by such acquisitions and having no provisions for rehabilitation and resettlement. Also, the Article lays emphasis on various international policy guidelines and mechanisms, designed to safeguard those who are internally displaced as a result of development projects. In the light of the above mentioned problems, the authors suggests that a comprehensive National Policy on Rehabilitation and Resettlement (NPRR) of displaced population be framed replacing the anomalies of NPRR, 2007. Introduction "Being forcibly ousted from one's land and habitat by a dam, reservoir or highway is not only immediately disruptive and painful, it is also fraught with serious long term risks of becoming poorer than before displacement, more vulnerable economically, and disintegrated socially"1. Development-induced displacement can be defined as the forcing of communities and individuals out of their homes, often also their homelands, for the purposes of economic development.Natural resource extraction, urban renewal or development programmes and infrastructure projects such as highways, bridges, irrigation canals, and dams all require land, often in large quantity. One common consequence of such projects is the upheaval and displacement of communities. It is estimated that 10 million people were displaced annually by these so called "developmental activities." However, national leaders and policy-makers typically viewed these as legitimate and inevitable costs of development, acceptable in the larger national interest. Pt. J.L. Nehru said 'If you have to suffer, you should do so in the interest of the country'2. Indigenous People and Tribal Disproportionately Affected Studies on the social impact of development projects suggest that indigenous people including tribals and women are disproportionately affected. The Scheduled Tribes constitute about 8.1 percent of the total population of the country according to 1991 census but they also constituted 55.16% of total displaced people which indicates victimization of the tribals. Development for the nation has meant displacement, pauperisation, or, at its very best, peonage for the tribals.3 Impact of Displacement Forcibly ousted from one's land and habitat carries with it many risk .Some of the identified interlinked potential risks intrinsic to displacement4 are: 1. Landlessness 2. Joblessness 3. Homelessness 4. Marginalization. 5. Food Insecurity. 6. Increased Morbidity and Mortality 7. Loss of Access to Common Property. 8. Social Disintegration.5 Development- Displacement and Environment In achieving the so called "greater common good" or "the national interest" the long run adverse impacts on the natural resources are ignored. Various developmental projects stands accused of the destruction of entire environments, including flora, fauna, landscapes, river systems, water quality, and shorelines as well as the creation of mercury contamination, greenhouse gases, water quality deterioration, downriver hydrological change, reservoir sedimentation, transmission line impacts, quarries and borrow pits. The large scale deforestation due to mining and establishment of industries has resulted in climate change and inconsistent weathers. Big Dams submerge huge area of forest cover causing irreversible loss to varieties of flora and fauna besides the land area. The pollution (air, water, soil and noise) caused by the industries accentuate the miseries of the present as well as the generations to come. No wonder that the environmental impact assessment of most of the big and mega projects reveal that such hyped and appreciated mega ventures are nothing but surviving at human and environmental costs6. It is high time we realize the need of transforming our developmental policies to answer the larger human and environmental requirements until it becomes too late. Human Rights Challenges That Arise in Relation to Development-Induced Displacement There is no doubt about the developmental benefits of any planned project, but these cannot be weighed against human rights. Human rights thus have to be considered independently. In 1986, the UN General Assembly adopted a Declaration on the Right to Development7. The heart of the problem is that people displaced by development projects are generally seen as a necessary sacrifice on the road to development. The Human rights that are affected : Right To Life The right to life and livelihood is threatened by the loss of home and the means to make a living when people are displaced from habitual residences and traditional homelands. The right to life is protected in the UDHR (Article 3) and the ICCPR (Article 6)8. In Indian context, The Supreme Court in Ollega Tellis case envisaged right to livelihood under the aegis of Article 21 and condemned the unjustifiable displacement of people from their land. Right to life doesn't mean merely animal existence but living with human dignity and all that goes along with it like right to shelter9. Moreover, Unsystematic and piecemeal approach to development has resulted in depletion of the environment which "makes life worth living, materially and culturally10."And so it has lead to violation of right to clean and healthy environment. Right to own Property The rights to adequate housing and security of the person and property serve to protect individuals and communities from being arbitrarily displaced from their homes and land. The right to own property and not to be arbitrarily deprived of this property is spelled out in the UDHR Articles 17 as well as in Article 6 of the ICESCR. Rights To Residence The eviction or displacement of persons unlawfully amounts to violation of the rights to freedom of residence11. Article 19(e) of the Indian constitution asserts right to residence as fundamental right. All these rights and many others are of direct relevance in the case of large-scale displacement of people. Indeed, in a number of cases, not only socio-economic rights such as the right to housing that are at stake but a number of civil and political rights, from the right to be informed about the displacement procedures to the freedom of expression, may be violated if the government tries to coerce people to move out from their homes12. Defects in Compensation, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Policy For the Government and its agents of development, cash compensation seems to be the only panacea for the problems induced by displacement and only policy for rehabilitation. It's hard to believe that how land, natural resources, means of livelihood, social and cultural loss resulting from displacement can be quantified and compensated in monetary terms? Moreover, the manner in which the law is framed and interpreted ensures that the displaced land-owner or house-owner is always the loser. The limited provisions in the Land Acquisition Act to challenge the rate of compensation are, in practice, inaccessible to the indigent and illiterate oustees. Even, only those landowners who were familiar with the legal details of the Land Acquisition took their cases to court. The value of the land is calculated as on the date of the gazette notification and interest is liable to be paid only from the date of taking possession up to the date of payment of full compensation. The LAA thus does not take into consideration the escalation of the market value between the time of notification and the date of actual possession. The ill-effects of the displacement induced by development ought to be taken care off by the state and necessary arrangement thereof made, i.e. the displaced persons be resettled in a safe habitat wherein they can start their life afresh. However, this would require more than mere allocation of certain piece of land for resettlement or mere construction of make shift camps for temporary settlement. What is needed is the "rehabilitation" of the persons affected by the projects; rehabilitation means to "restore to the former condition", and thus, all that was lost by displacement, the emotional, cultural, social, political and economic losses must be restored at a priority basis than to the Project itself, which is the cause of the impoverishment. The Ethics of Development Induced Displacement and Rehabilitation (Didr) In dealing with issues of development and displacement, important ethical questions are raised such as why is displacement often considered morally objectionable? Under what conditions, if ever, can a development project justify displacement? Is it ethically just to displace people so long as they are compensated? If so, what type of compensation is owed to displacees? According to Peter Penz,13 Three broad ethical perspectives that can be used to justify development-induced displacement are public interest, self-determination, and egalitarianism. The public interest perspective, embodied in cost-benefit analysis, supports the decision that brings the greatest net benefits to the population as a whole. The self-determination perspective privileges freedom and personal control. In its form, forced displacement (at least of those who legally own property) is unjust because it violates property rights. The egalitarian perspective privileges actions that reduce poverty and/or inequality14. Theoretically, can be justified here if it benefits the poor at the cost of the wealthy, but questions are raised when a project benefits an under-privileged group at the cost of another such group. As Penz points out, is an ethically complex issue, in which public interest and distributive concerns stand in tension with self-determination and individual rights. He concludes that there are conditions under which can be justified, but that these conditions must be strong15. They include the avoidance of coercive displacement in favour of negotiated settlement, the minimization of resettlement numbers, the full compensation of displacees for all losses, and the use of development benefits to reduce poverty and inequality. Unfortunately, in most cases of DIDR, these conditions have been violated. International and National Organisation and Policies Over the past decade, different international legal entities and institutions have responded to the human rights impacts and risks of development-induced displacement by formulating a variety of guidelines, laws and best practices. Some of the most important international guidelines and practice on this issue are: • The UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement. • The OECD's Guidelines for Aid Agencies on Involuntary Displacement and Resettlement in Development Projects, 1992. • World Bank's Operational Directive 4.30 on Involuntary Resettlement. • United Nations and Other International Organizations- Different agencies of UN work as cluster and have sectoral responsibility to deal with the issue of development-induced displacement rehabilitation and resettlement. a. The Representative of the Secretary-General on IDPs The report formed by this agency is the basis for the provisions in the Guiding Principles on protection against displacement. b. Internal Displacement Unit Using the Guiding Principles as an overall framework, the Unit identify and draw attention to gaps in the response to internal displacement c. World Food Program The essential condition for the provision of WFP food is the food insecurity of displaced people. d. UN Development Programme UNDP in particular has become increasingly involved in programs involving the resettlement and reintegration of internally displaced populations. e. UN-Habitat The twin goals of the Habitat Agenda are "adequate shelter for all" and "sustainable human settlements development in an urbanizing world. Recommendations Ill-consequences of the displacement lead to the requirement of policies and legislations that address the issues of not only development induced displacement, but also about rehabilitation and resettlement. Following are some suggestion and recommendations to deal with problem of displacement caused by development : 1. States should ensure that eviction impact assessments are carried out prior to the initiation of any project which could result in development-based displacement, with a view to fully securing the human rights of all potentially affected persons, groups and communities. 2. States should fully explore all possible alternatives to any act involving forced eviction. 3. Sufficient information shall be provided to affected persons, groups and communities concerning all State projects as well as to the planning and implementation processes relating to the resettlement concerned, including information concerning the purpose to which the eviction dwelling or site is to be put and the persons, groups or communities who will benefit from the evicted site. 4. The State must provide or ensure fair and just compensation for any losses of personal, real or other property or goods, including rights or interests in property. 5. Resettlement must occur in a just and equitable manner and in full accordance with international human rights law. 6. States should ensure that adequate and effective legal or other appropriate remedies are available to any persons claiming that his/her right of protection against forced evictions has been violated or is under threat of violation16. 7. To make new Law on rehabilitation and change the LAA (1894), since it goes against the rights of the poor. Rehabilitation should not be separated from land acquisition and that the LAA (1894) should be changed in such a manner as to minimize displacement and turn rehabilitation into an integral part of such acquisition. 8. The very basis of the Land acquisition policies in its legal premises is required to be compatible with constitutional frame of Fundamental Rights, Directive Principles of State Policy and Special Provisions for the Scheduled Castes / Tribes and weaker sections. The effects of displacement spill over to generations in many ways, such as loss of traditional means of employment, change of environment, disrupted community life and relationships, marginalization, a profound psychological trauma and more. The issue of Displacement is an example of how law has to be consistent with socioeconomic and political circumstances, and it appears to have failed in doing so. To conclude, there is a strong need to put legal thought into issues concerning the land acquirers as well as to thoroughly investigate issues regarding removing the imbalance from the system.

힌디어

visthapan Ke symasya

마지막 업데이트: 2015-01-27
사용 빈도: 1
품질:

추천인: 익명
경고: 보이지 않는 HTML 형식이 포함되어 있습니다

영어

Quality is the most important measure of success for any organization. All successful organizations produce a quality product or service, but how it measured and what is the process to produce it. This paper will Chose a process at Abbott labs, Ross division, analyze an "As-Is" flow chart, describe the relationship of the process to the organization's strategic plan and determine the internal an external customers. This paper will also identify the most appropriate Quality Management tool that can be used to collect and present data, utilize your selected quality tool to analyze your process and identify process improvement opportunities, and estimate the level of improvement that could be realized and the value of implementing this process improvement. Every organization has certain problems that affect the quality of the product they are producing. At Abbott Labs Ross division the problem is the quality of the caps that are supplied to Ross from the cap manufacturer. These caps are essential to the production of the Ensure plastic bottle line because they seal the bottle after filling. The problem that Ross is having is the caps are not always a uniform shape. If the shape is off by just a little bit then they will get stuck in the cap-shoot and cause the line to go down. This affects the production deadlines and affects the on-time delivery of the product. This also creates a problem with the cap size that was validated by the FDA and any change in size has to be approved by the FDA using a Validation Change Request. Since the cap size is not the same as the ones that were validated then the whole process is in jeopardy of being shutdown by the FDA. This also would have a tremendous affect on the on-time delivery of the product to the customers. The strategic plan of Abbott Laboratories is to produce a quality product to the customers on time. This quality problem does affect the plan of Abbott by creating delays in the delivery time. It is important to any organization that they not keep the customer waiting to receive what they order because this gives the customer time to look for alternative to their product. Many do not associated on-time delivery as a product of quality but if a product is not received in a timely manner then the customer's first impression can be negative. Processes have different internal and external customers that are impacted by the process that would benefit from the process improvement. There are many internal and external customers that are involved in the process of the cap problem. The internal customers are the employees at the plant. Abbott offers a generous profit sharing plan based on the years profits. If the company starts losing customers then the employees' profit sharing will be affected. Another internal customer is the FDA. Although they are not an internal part of the company, they are the driving force behind the quality aspect of the organization. The FDA sets standards that the organization must follow during their manufacturing process or risk being shutdown. External customers are the retailers and the consumers. They are important because they are when the revenue comes from to pay salaries and investments. Customers are the reason that quality is important. Every process needs a Quality Measurement Tool to gage the success or failure of the process. The most appropriate quality management tool that can be used to collect and present data on the process improvement is the run chart. This is because it can display process performance over time. The run chart can also show the upward and downward trends compared against the expected outcome. Analyzing the data collected over seven day it shows that with an acceptable standard of thirty crashes per day, the cap problem is causing crashes above the standard five out of the seven days. This is causing a delay in the manufacturing process of thirty minutes per delay and with a line that is run at seven hundred bottles per minute the overall production lose is 21,000 bottles. With an average of over three crashes per shift above the acceptable standard, it equals out to over 63,000 bottle and 2,635 cases per day. This equals a six percent lose per week due to problems with the caps. The problem is with the manufacturing of the caps that are supplied by a supplier. There needs to be an immediate search for a different supplier to put pressure on the current supplier and to ensure that the six percent lose per week can be fixed. This fix can come from better quality from the current supplier or it can come from a different supplier. This lose is significant and has to be fixed immediately. The level of improvement that can be realized from fixing the cap problem is evident by looking at the data. Just by meeting the acceptable standard a savings of six percent can be realized immediately. This will result in increased revenue by supplying more products and reducing the amount of people it take to complete the process of making a quality product. The reason it takes less people is because it takes four to five additional people to clear a jam in the cap-shoot. These people include shop personnel that are the highest paid hourly employees in the plant. These quality changes will result in an immediate cost saving that will result in more revenue and better customer satisfaction. Quality is important to all organizations because it represents the vision of the organization. If an organization is not willing to be dedicated producing quality product in a timely manner then they will not be a successful organization because the customer will find an organization that will. Abbott has realized that quality is important and this recent problem with the caps can be fixed. With proper planning the process will see the opportunity of increase time and revenue realized decreasing the amount of crashes and time it take to complete the process of delivering Ensure in a plastic bottle to the customer.

힌디어

गुणवत्ता पर निबंध

마지막 업데이트: 2014-11-15
사용 빈도: 1
품질:

추천인: 익명
경고: 보이지 않는 HTML 형식이 포함되어 있습니다

영어

Say to the person to whom you and God have granted favor, "Keep your wife and have fear of God. You hide within yourself what God wants to make public. You are afraid of people while it is God whom one should fear." When Zayd set her free, We gave her in marriage to you so that the believers would not face difficulties about the wives of their adopted sons when they are divorced. God's decree has already been issued.

힌디어

और (ऐ रसूल वह वक्त याद करो) जब तुम उस शख्स (ज़ैद) से कह रहे थे जिस पर खुदा ने एहसान (अलग) किया था और तुमने उस पर (अलग) एहसान किया था कि अपनी बीबी (ज़ैनब) को अपनी ज़ौज़ियत में रहने दे और खुदा से डेर खुद तुम इस बात को अपने दिल में छिपाते थे जिसको (आख़िरकार) खुदा ज़ाहिर करने वाला था और तुम लोगों से डरते थे हालॉकि खुदा इसका ज्यादा हक़दार है कि तुम उस से डरो ग़रज़ जब ज़ैद अपनी हाजत पूरी कर चुका (तलाक़ दे दी) तो हमने (हुक्म देकर) उस औरत (ज़ैनब) का निकाह तुमसे कर दिया ताकि आम मोमिनीन को अपने ले पालक लड़कों की बीवियों (से निकाह करने) में जब वह अपना मतलब उन औरतों से पूरा कर चुकें (तलाक़ दे दें) किसी तरह की तंगी न रहे और खुदा का हुक्म तो किया कराया हुआ (क़तई) होता है

마지막 업데이트: 2014-07-03
사용 빈도: 1
품질:

추천인: 익명
경고: 보이지 않는 HTML 형식이 포함되어 있습니다

영어

Say to the person to whom you and God have granted favor, "Keep your wife and have fear of God. You hide within yourself what God wants to make public. You are afraid of people while it is God whom one should fear." When Zayd set her free, We gave her in marriage to you so that the believers would not face difficulties about the wives of their adopted sons when they are divorced. God's decree has already been issued.

힌디어

याद करो (ऐ नबी), जबकि तुम उस व्यक्ति से कह रहे थे जिसपर अल्लाह ने अनुकम्पा की, और तुमने भी जिसपर अनुकम्पा की कि "अपनी पत्नी को अपने पास रोक रखो और अल्लाह का डर रखो, और तुम अपने जी में उस बात को छिपा रहे हो जिसको अल्लाह प्रकट करनेवाला है। तुम लोगों से डरते हो, जबकि अल्लाह इसका ज़्यादा हक़ रखता है कि तुम उससे डरो।" अतः जब ज़ैद उससे अपनी ज़रूरत पूरी कर चुका तो हमने उसका तुमसे विवाह कर दिया, ताकि ईमानवालों पर अपने मुँह बोले बेटों की पत्नियों के मामले में कोई तंगी न रहे जबकि वे उनसे अपनी ज़रूरत पूरी कर लें। अल्लाह का फ़ैसला तो पूरा होकर ही रहता है

마지막 업데이트: 2014-07-03
사용 빈도: 1
품질:

추천인: 익명
경고: 보이지 않는 HTML 형식이 포함되어 있습니다

인적 기여로
4,401,923,520 더 나은 번역을 얻을 수 있습니다

사용자가 도움을 필요로 합니다:



당사는 사용자 경험을 향상시키기 위해 쿠키를 사용합니다. 귀하께서 본 사이트를 계속 방문하시는 것은 당사의 쿠키 사용에 동의하시는 것으로 간주됩니다. 자세히 보기. 확인