Je was op zoek naar: abandonment (Engels - Hindi)

abandonment of child
शिशु का परित्याग

the abandonment of the dilapidated buildings has been started .
जीर्ण - शीर्ण अवस्था वाली इमारतों का परित्याग शुरू हो गया है ।

only a supreme self - abandonment attains to the supreme .
केवल एक परम - आत्म - उत्सर्ग ही परात्पर देव तक पहुंच पाता है ।

abandonment of child without proper reason is an humanitarian crime
बिना किसी उपयुक्त कारण के शिशं का परित्याग मानवीय अपराध हे

due to technical reasons , abandonment of claim is the only option .
तकनीकी कारणों से दावे का परित्याग करना ही मात्र विकल्प है ।

abandonment of communalism the evil of communalism is prevalent in the entire country .
सांप्रदायिकता का त्यागः सांप्रदायिकता का रोग सारे देश के विनाश का कारण है ।

none of these changes should be seen as an abandonment of our work and obligations.
इनमें से किसी भी बदलाव को हमारे कार्य एवं दायित्वों के परित्याग के रूप में नहीं देखा जाना चाहिए।

valmiki ' s play on the event of sita ' s abandonment is in production .
सीता - परित्याग से संबंधित वाल्मीकि के नाटक का अभिनय हो रहा है ।

he often contrasts the hard lot of man with the romantic abandonment which is inherent in his mind .
आदमी के सामने उपस्थित कठिनाइयों और रोमांटिक विरक्ति के बीच का वैषम्य उन्हे प्राश्ः अखरता है ।

there was popular opposition to it in india , leading to its virtual abandonment in favour of bilateral trade agreements .
भारत में इसका व्यापक विरोध हुआ जिसके परिणामस्वरूप द्विपक्षीय व्यापारिक समझौतों के पक्ष में इसे पूर्णत : त्याग दिया गया .

note this : it was not only an abandonment of an ally and friend , it was also a threat of supporting the enemy .
नोट कीजिए कि यह एक मित्रराष्ट्र और दोस्त को त्यागना ही नहीं था , बल्कि यह दुश्मन की फौजों को मदद देने की धमकी भी थी .

it was , however , in nanalal that this led to a complete abandonment of the metrical discipline in the innovation of the rhythmic style .
पर नानालाल ने छंदों के बंधन पूरी तरह तोड़कर लयात्मक शैली की श्रीगणेश किया ।

these developments , when they came to be known , chilled the enthusiasm of the indian muslims and led to the gradual abandonment of their agitation .
इन्हीं कारणें से कुछ दिनों के बाद भारत में खिलाफत का आंदोलन ठंडा पड़ गया ।

an explosive issue today in context of public grievance redress is the pace and phasing of the movement towards open markets after the gradual abandonment of centralized planning model .
लोक शिकायत निवारण के संदर्भ में केन्द्री यकृत नियोजन मॉडल को धीरे - धीरे त्याणग कर खुले बाजार की ओर बढ़ना और चरणबद्ध तरीके से आगे बढ़ना है ।

abandonment or desertion of his wife by the husband results in divorce among the rajput gujaratis of khandesh , the pakhais , and even among the vaishyas of gorakhpur according to a government report .
एक सरकारी रिपोर्ट के अनुसार खानदेश के राजपूत गुजरातियों , पखाइयों तथा गोरखापुर के वैश्यों में भी पति द्वारा पत्नी को छोड़ दिये जाने का नतीजा विवाह विच्छेद होता है ।

here there may be a strong concentration on the inward central change of the consciousness and an abandonment of a large part of the outward - going mental life or else its relegation to a small and subordinate place .
इस अवस्था में व्यक्ति अपने - आपको चेतना के आभ्यन्तर केंद्रीय परिवर्तन पर प्रबल रूप से एकाग्र कर सकता है और बहिर्गामी मानसिक जीवन के बड़े भारी भाग को त्याग सकता है अथवा उसे तुच्छ और गौण स्थान दे सकता है ।

the impression created , at least to me , is that of poignant passion and abandonment which may have had some relation to sarojini ' s own emotional disturbance at the time , if such was the case .
कम - से - कम मेरे ऊपर तो यह छाप पड़ती है कि यह उद्वेजक भावना और परिहार है जिसका उस समय के सरोजिनी के निजी भावनात्मक उद्वेलन से कोई सम्बन्ध रहा होगा , यदि ऐसी कोई बात थी तो ।

the abandonment of sita has a dual aspect : personal , which concerns the couple themselves , and the public , which is concerned with rama ' s decision as a king .
सीता - परित्याग के दो पहलू हैं - वैयक्तिक , जिसका दम्पत्ति से निजी संबंध है , और सार्वजनिक , जिसका राजा के रूप में राम के निर्णय से संबंध है ।

googal translate engby daniel a. rosenblum 2013, vol. 5 no. 10 | pg. 2/4 | « » cite references print 5 before the streets: livelihoods in rural bihar the children of rural bihar are connected with the rest of india unlike any other time in history. in the district town of sitamarhi, a place that sits some twenty miles from the nepal border, the skyline is littered with cell phone towers. on the streets below, walkways are filled with mud, trash, and cow dung. passersby trough through the mess to buy flee-bitten mitahi (sweets) and the sweltering fruits at nearby stands. for the children of sitamarhi, they live in this contrast—the severe juxtaposition of “modernity”3 and urbanization with the dilapidated infrastructure surrounding them. the villages within five miles of the district town scarcely receive electricity, prompting me to wonder how anyone with a cell phone was able to recharge their phones.4 the villages i spent the majority of my time in, amritpur and baksampur5, gave insight into the livelihoods of children in rural bihar. in amritpur, every corner and passageway of the village had more and more children. at times, it would seem the ratio of children to adults was ten to one. many of these children had prominent signs of malnutrition: kwashiorkor, stunned growth, and slowly healing infections (bhutta, black, cousens, & ahmed, 2008; som, pal, & bharati, 2007). one boy of about twelve, deepak, had a nasty infection on his lower leg that continued to worsen over the week i visited. however, there was no formal doctor in the village, only someone trained in basic medical practices. he would have to go to sitamarhi town to be given medicine, which would cost too much money for deepak’s mother. this was a problem all too common for children of rural bihar. school quality and attendance throughout sitamarhi district was quite mixed. a government school i visited in amritpur was highly understaffed, lacking proper materials and facilities, and seemed more of a social gathering point for youth. children would sit along the walls with other classmates drawing, talking, and laughing while the teachers and administrators sat near the entrance splitting their time between socializing and supervising. when we arrived, the teachers began to complain of uneven wage scales and low salaries, providing this as a link for chaos at the school. however, another school we visited in baksampur, which was run entirely by women, had sufficient materials, was properly staffed, and seemed to be extremely beneficial for the students. in both cases, there were noticeably tensions between attending school and working at home. especially for older children, many would work in the mornings, helping to transplant rice, and then check into school for the second half of the day. in some cases, children would stop attending school entirely in order to help at home, such as with the case of a lower caste girl in baksampur, hoja.6 pressure to earn began to outweigh the importance of schooling as the children grew older, leading to the abandonment of education in order to help the family. the livelihoods of bihari youth were rapidly transforming, surrounded by new “modern” pursuits and desires within a rural structure and community. lunch at an amritpur government school lunch photo credit: khushboo jain tracking agricultural transformations bihar’s agricultural history is extremely complex, wrapped among transforming government policy, development, and increasing mechanization of the agrarian system. prior to the green revolution taking hold in bihari agriculture, there was a structure of landholding: the zamindar system, established under the british raj. the system’s abolishment, however, is what i wish to focus on, in terms of the uneven effects it had on rural villages, landholdings, and landlessness. the zamindari was a system of landholding that consolidated fields in the hands of powerful village elites. for bihar, this meant most of the land fell in the hands of upper caste hindus (chaudhry, 1988). peasants were then typically tied to the land, working for the grain they produced, while remaining landless themselves. in the late 19th century, however, bihar began to feel the effects of commercialism, beginning a process of out-migration from both the zamindar and lower class populations. in the chapra region at the beginning of this century, upper castes had to resort to occupations other than agriculture. rajputs, an upper caste group, went out for ‘service’ along with lower class individuals, becoming “peons and durwans in estates of larger zamindars” (de haan 2002:120). out-migration existed in high numbers during the zamindari system for both landowners and lower caste laborers, yet the economic gaps between landowners and lower class, as well as the frequency of migration seemed to increase after the foundation of india and the subsequent abolishment of the colonial landholding system.lish to hindi
by daniel a. rosenblum 2013, vol. 5 no. 10 | pg. 2/4 | « » cite references print 5 before the streets: livelihoods in rural bihar the children of rural bihar are connected with the rest of india unlike any other time in history. in the district town of sitamarhi, a place that sits some twenty miles from the nepal border, the skyline is littered with cell phone towers. on the streets below, walkways are filled with mud, trash, and cow dung. passersby trough through the mess to buy flee-bitten mitahi (sweets) and the sweltering fruits at nearby stands. for the children of sitamarhi, they live in this contrast—the severe juxtaposition of “modernity”3 and urbanization with the dilapidated infrastructure surrounding them. the villages within five miles of the district town scarcely receive electricity, prompting me to wonder how anyone with a cell phone was able to recharge their phones.4 the villages i spent the majority of my time in, amritpur and baksampur5, gave insight into the livelihoods of children in rural bihar. in amritpur, every corner and passageway of the village had more and more children. at times, it would seem the ratio of children to adults was ten to one. many of these children had prominent signs of malnutrition: kwashiorkor, stunned growth, and slowly healing infections (bhutta, black, cousens, & ahmed, 2008; som, pal, & bharati, 2007). one boy of about twelve, deepak, had a nasty infection on his lower leg that continued to worsen over the week i visited. however, there was no formal doctor in the village, only someone trained in basic medical practices. he would have to go to sitamarhi town to be given medicine, which would cost too much money for deepak’s mother. this was a problem all too common for children of rural bihar. school quality and attendance throughout sitamarhi district was quite mixed. a government school i visited in amritpur was highly understaffed, lacking proper materials and facilities, and seemed more of a social gathering point for youth. children would sit along the walls with other classmates drawing, talking, and laughing while the teachers and administrators sat near the entrance splitting their time between socializing and supervising. when we arrived, the teachers began to complain of uneven wage scales and low salaries, providing this as a link for chaos at the school. however, another school we visited in baksampur, which was run entirely by women, had sufficient materials, was properly staffed, and seemed to be extremely beneficial for the students. in both cases, there were noticeably tensions between attending school and working at home. especially for older children, many would work in the mornings, helping to transplant rice, and then check into school for the second half of the day. in some cases, children would stop attending school entirely in order to help at home, such as with the case of a lower caste girl in baksampur, hoja.6 pressure to earn began to outweigh the importance of schooling as the children grew older, leading to the abandonment of education in order to help the family. the livelihoods of bihari youth were rapidly transforming, surrounded by new “modern” pursuits and desires within a rural structure and community. lunch at an amritpur government school lunch photo credit: khushboo jain tracking agricultural transformations bihar’s agricultural history is extremely complex, wrapped among transforming government policy, development, and increasing mechanization of the agrarian system. prior to the green revolution taking hold in bihari agriculture, there was a structure of landholding: the zamindar system, established under the british raj. the system’s abolishment, however, is what i wish to focus on, in terms of the uneven effects it had on rural villages, landholdings, and landlessness. the zamindari was a system of landholding that consolidated fields in the hands of powerful village elites. for bihar, this meant most of the land fell in the hands of upper caste hindus (chaudhry, 1988). peasants were then typically tied to the land, working for the grain they produced, while remaining landless themselves. in the late 19th century, however, bihar began to feel the effects of commercialism, beginning a process of out-migration from both the zamindar and lower class populations. in the chapra region at the beginning of this century, upper castes had to resort to occupations other than agriculture. rajputs, an upper caste group, went out for ‘service’ along with lower class individuals, becoming “peons and durwans in estates of larger zamindars” (de haan 2002:120). out-migration existed in high numbers during the zamindari system for both landowners and lower caste laborers, yet the economic gaps between landowners and lower class, as well as the frequency of migration seemed to increase after the foundation of india and the subsequent abolishment of the colonial landholding system.