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first, many disabilities are not easily discernable and are effectively “invisible” to all but the affected party. included in invisible disabilities are “a wide range of physical and psychological conditions that often have no visible manifestation or have visible features that are not clearly connected to a disability” (santuzzi, waltz, finkelstein, & rupp, 2014, p. 204), such as diabetes, arthritis, and depression. in many instances, workers with invisible disabilities might be able to conceal their disabilities quite readily from interviewers, coworkers, and supervisors, as in the case of a person with hearing loss who relies on lip reading (e.g., jans, kaye, & jones, 2012) and employees living with mental illnesses (elraz, 2018). many disabilities are also episodic such that individuals experience fluctuations in symptom severity. for example, individuals may report minor to severe fluctuations in well-being on daily (e.g., feeling worse at the end of the day), weekly (e.g., feeling worse as the week progresses), and monthly (e.g., feeling better as one recovers from treatments) cycles. santuzzi et al. (2014) argue that estimates of the proportion of the workforce that has a disability are actually underestimates, in part because of invisible disabilities. if the prevalence of people with disabilities in the workforce recorded in systematic government surveys is underestimated, it is inevitable that individual managers will also underestimate the number of workers with disabilities in their own applicant pools.
memandangkan berlakunya kecacatan, dan tanpa mengira jenis kecacatan, ada kemungkinan kumpulan pemohon mengandungi lebih banyak orang kurang upaya daripada yang jelas bagi pengurus. terdapat sekurang-kurangnya tiga penjelasan yang berkaitan mengapa pengambilan pengurus boleh memandang rendah berapa banyak pekerja kurang upaya yang ada di kumpulan pemohon mereka