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demography
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the history of societies requires us to apply, if not a formalized and elaborate model of such structures, then at least an approximate order of research priorities and a working assumption about what constitutes the central nexus or complex of connections of our subject, though of course these things imply a model. every social historian does in fact make such assumptions and hold such priorities. thus i doubt whether any historian of eighteenth-century brazil would give the catholicism of that society analytical priority over its slavery, or any historian of nineteenth-century britain would regard kinship as central a social nexus as he would in anglo-saxon england. a tacit consensus among historians seems to have established a fairly common working model of this kind, with variants. one starts with the material and historical environment, goes on to the forces and techniques of production (demography coming some where in between), the structure of the consequent economy? divisions of labor, exchange, accumulation, distribution of the sur plus, and so forth?and the social relations arising from these. these might be followed by the institutions and the image of so ciety and its functioning which underlie them. the shape of the social structure is thus established, the specific characteristics and details of which, insofar as they derive from other sources, can then be determined, most likely by comparative study. the practice is thus to work outwards and upwards from the process of social pro duction in its specific setting. historians will be tempted?in my view rightly?to pick on one particular relation or relational com plex as central and specific to the society (or type of society) in question, and to group the rest of the treatment around it?for example, bloch's "relations of interdependence" in his feudal society, or those arising out of industrial production, possibly in industrial society, certainly in its capitalist form. once the structure has been established, it must be seen in its historical movement. in the french phrase "structure" must be seen in "conjuncture," though this term must not be taken to exclude other, and possibly more relevant, forms and patterns of historical change. once again the tendency is to treat economic movements (in the broadest 31 daedalus sense) as the backbone of such an analysis.
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