Results for tend translation from English to Malay

tend
pengawalan ibu bapa

apakah maksud tend
apakah maksud cenderung

tend to construct sentences
condong bina ayat

tend here while wathing tv untill i come back 1 hour
cenderung ke sini sambil menonton tv sehingga saya kembali 1 jam

you tend to feel left out and feel like the second choice all the time
anda cenderung merasa ditinggalkan dan merasa seperti pilihan kedua sepanjang masa

disposing all works quickly we tend towards your account, o you two large groups!
kami hanya akan menguruskan hitungan dan balasan amal kamu sahaja (pada hari kiamat,) wahai manusia dan jin!

children tend to shed virus for longer periods of time than adults, which may result in differences in sensitivity between adults and children list
kanak-kanak cenderung menumpahkan virus untuk jangka masa yang lebih lama daripada orang dewasa, yang boleh mengakibatkan perbezaan kepekaan antara senarai orang dewasa dan kanak-kanak

children tend to inherit the social standing of their parents suggests that social hierarchy is a feature of the broader social system rather than solely determined by individual merit or actions.
kanak-kanak cenderung mewarisi kedudukan sosial ibu bapa mereka menunjukkan bahawa hierarki sosial adalah ciri sistem sosial yang lebih luas dan bukannya semata-mata ditentukan oleh merit atau tindakan individu.

it does not become those who associate others with allah in his divinity to visit and tend allah's mosques while they bear witness of unbelief against themselves.
tidaklah layak orang-orang kafir musyrik itu memakmurkan (menghidupkan) masjid-masjid allah, sedang mereka menjadi saksi (mengakui) akan kekufuran diri mereka sendiri.

it has also been found that people, after having recalled or contemplated unethical acts, tend to wash hands more often than others, and tend to value hand washing equipment more.
didapati bahawa orang, selepas mengingati atau merenung kembali perbuatan tidak beretika, cenderung untuk mencuci tangan lebih kerap berbanding orang lain dan lebih menghargai peralatan mencuci tangan.

the motive for the investment the motive for a foreign investment is crucial in determining how linkages and externalities develop. there are four main motives for investment: 1) seek natural resources; 2) seek new markets; 3) restructure existing foreign production; and 4) seek new strategic assets [narula and dunning, 2000]. these can be placed into two categories. the first category includes the first three motives: asset-exploiting, to generate economic rent by using existing firm-specific assets. the second category is the fourth motive: asset-augmenting, to acquire new assets that protect or enhance existing assets. in general, developing countries are unlikely to attract the second category of fdi; they primarily attract the first category. the relative importance of each motive partly reflects the stage of economic development [narula and dunning, 2000; narula, 1996, 2004]. least developed countries would tend to have mainly resource-seeking fdi and countries at the catching-up stage mostly market-seeking fdi. efficiency-seeking investments, with the most stringent capability needs, will tend to focus on the more industrialised developing economies (though three or four decades ago they went to countries with relatively low capabilities, e.g. the electronics industry in southeast asia in the 1970s). not all affiliates offer the same spillovers to host economies. a sales office, for instance, may have a high turnover and employ many people, but its technological spillovers will be limited relative to a manufacturing facility. likewise, resource-seeking activities like mining tend to be capital intensive and provide fewer spillovers compared to market-seeking manufacturing fdi. during import substitution, most mnes set up miniature replicas of their facilities at home, though many functions were not reproduced (they were ‘truncated’). the extent of truncation, however, varied by host country. the most important determinants of truncation – and thus the scope of activities and competence of the subsidiary – were market size and local industrial capabilities [dunning and narula, 2004]. countries with small markets and weak local industries had the most truncated subsidiaries, often only single-activity subsidiaries (sales and marketing or natural resource extraction). larger countries with domestic technological capacity (such as brazil and india) had the least truncated subsidiaries, often with research and development departments. with liberalisation, mne strategies on affiliate competence and scope have changed in four ways [dunning and narula, 2004]. first, there has been investment in new affiliates. second, there has been sequential investment in upgrading existing subsidiaries. third, there has been some downgrading of subsidiaries, whereby mnes have divested in response to location advantages elsewhere or reduced the level of competence and scope of subsidiaries. do we need a new agenda? 451 fourth, there has been some redistribution of ownership as the result of privatisation or acquisitions of local private firms. in many, but certainly not all, cases this also led to a downgrading of activities. mnes are taking advantage of liberalisation to concentrate production capacity in a few locations, exploiting scale and agglomeration economies, favourable location and strong capabilities. some miniature replicas have been downgraded to sales and marketing affiliates, with fewer opportunities for spillovers. countries that receive fdi with the highest potential for capability development are, ironically, those with strong domestic absorptive capacities. the article by lorentzen and barnes on south africa shows that domestic capacity – in the form of infrastructure or an efficient domestic industrial sector – is a primary determinant of high competence affiliates. they base their analysis on eight case studies in the south african automotive sector, and show that indigenous firms can compete with mnes, and – given the appropriate domestic capabilities and infrastructure – can maintain and improve their competitive advantages through indigenous innovation. like south africa, other countries have succeeded in attracting such fdi, notably mexico and the caribbean basin [eclac, 2000, 2001; mortimore, 2000]. in addition to providing a threshold level of domestic capabilities and infrastructure, these countries have invested in developing their knowledge base (although to a lesser extent in the case of mexico). mortimore [2000] argues that much of this fdi has created export platforms for mnes with limited benefits for the host countries [eclac, 2001]. this is a point reiterated by mytelka and barclay here in the case of trinidad, where fdi has not been leveraged to develop the skills and capabilities of local downstream and supporting firms. the state has largely failed to act as a facilitator to stimulate and support domestic absorptive capacities and linkages with mne affiliates. mne linkages fdi transfers technology to local firms in four ways: backward linkages, labour turnover, horizontal linkages and international technology spillovers. studies of backward linkages have identified various determinants, including those internal to mnes and those associated with host economies. the ability of the host economy to benefit from mne linkages has been found to depend crucially on the relative technological capabilities of recipient and transmitter: the greater the distance between them, the lower the intensity of linkages. again, mne motives and strategies matter. domestic market oriented affiliates generally purchase more locally than export-oriented firms because of lower quality requirements and technical specifications [reuber et al., 1973; altenburg, 2000]. mne affiliates are more likely to be integrated with host countries where they source relatively simple inputs [ganiatsos, 2000; carillo,
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