Results for googal translat translation from English to Hindi

]translat
] translat

googal translater
shukat ali

googal transilate eng
shivanjina

ma bolta ho translat
bolta ho

ek raja tha english translat
एक राजा था अंग्रेजी अनुवाद

you are such a mental googal
you are such a mental googal

googal translate english to hindi
underground livingrefers simply to living below the ground's surface, whether in naturally occurringcavesor in built structures.underground dwellings are an alternative to traditionally built above-ground dwellings for some home seekers, especially those who are looking to minimize theirnegative impact on the environment. some of the advantages of underground houses include resistance to severeweather, quiet living space, an unobtrusive presence in the surrounding landscape, and a nearly constant interior temperature due to the natural insulating properties of the surrounding earth. the greatest appeal for most is theenergy efficiencyandenvironmental friendlinessof underground dwellings. when combined with renewable energy sources, energy cost can be greatly reduced. initial building costs are often low[citation needed], as underground building islargely subtractive rather than additive, and because thenatural materialsdisplaced by the construction can be recycled as building materials. however, underground living does have certain disadvantages; such as the potential for flooding, which in some cases may require special pumping systems to be installed.underground living has been a feature of fiction, such as thehobbit holesof the shire as described in the stories ofj. r. r. tolkienandthe underground citybyjules verne. it is also the preferred mode of housing to communities in such extreme environments asitaly'ssassi di matera,australia'scoober pedy,berbercaves asthose inmatmâta, tunisia, and evenamundsen–scott south pole station. underground living is even being considered for the design of a future base onmars. with today's technologies one candirect natural light into living spaces withlight tubes.[1]factories and office buildings can benefit from underground facilities for many of the same reasons as underground dwellings such as noise abatement, energy use, security, and community aesthetics.often, underground living structures are not entirely underground, typically they can be exposed on one side when built into a hill. this exposure can significantly improve interior lighting, although at the expense of greater exposure to the elements.historythere is only written documentation of scythian and german subterranean dwellings. remnants have been found in switzerland,meklenburgand southern bavaria: "they had a round shape with a kettle-like widening at the bottom, from eleven

i poetry likhunga translat into english
मै कविता likhunga translat into english

googal translate english to hindi i go
stomach small hi ho only on my face n neck

googal translate .tamil2015.movie.download
googal .tamil2015.movie.download का अनुवाद

wese ek baat puchu aap se in english translat
aap kayse ho

mai bhai tumko nhi pahachanta hi iska hindi translat
mai nhi tumko nhi pahachanta hi hindi translation

ab ek v msg nahi ana chahiye? english translat
ab ek वी एम एस जी nahi एना chahiye? अंग्रेजी translat

radha apna paath yad kar rehi hogi translat in english
राधा अपना पाठ याद कर रही होगी अंग्रेजी me

i hope you ony nee tocorrect english grommar u will not translat
मैं ony nee हिंदी grommar आप नहीं translat जाएगा ठीक करने के लिए आशा है कि आप

ladhkiya ye sabit kar deti he ki sab ladhkiya ek jesi hoti he translat in english
ladhkiya ye sabit kar deti he ki sab ladhkiya ek jesi hoti he

main apne bacho se bohat piyar karti hon or har cheez qurban kar sakti hon translat english
main apne bacho se bohat piyar karti hon or har cheez qurban kar sakti hon translat english

googal translate engby daniel a. rosenblum 2013, vol. 5 no. 10 | pg. 2/4 | « » cite references print 5 before the streets: livelihoods in rural bihar the children of rural bihar are connected with the rest of india unlike any other time in history. in the district town of sitamarhi, a place that sits some twenty miles from the nepal border, the skyline is littered with cell phone towers. on the streets below, walkways are filled with mud, trash, and cow dung. passersby trough through the mess to buy flee-bitten mitahi (sweets) and the sweltering fruits at nearby stands. for the children of sitamarhi, they live in this contrast—the severe juxtaposition of “modernity”3 and urbanization with the dilapidated infrastructure surrounding them. the villages within five miles of the district town scarcely receive electricity, prompting me to wonder how anyone with a cell phone was able to recharge their phones.4 the villages i spent the majority of my time in, amritpur and baksampur5, gave insight into the livelihoods of children in rural bihar. in amritpur, every corner and passageway of the village had more and more children. at times, it would seem the ratio of children to adults was ten to one. many of these children had prominent signs of malnutrition: kwashiorkor, stunned growth, and slowly healing infections (bhutta, black, cousens, & ahmed, 2008; som, pal, & bharati, 2007). one boy of about twelve, deepak, had a nasty infection on his lower leg that continued to worsen over the week i visited. however, there was no formal doctor in the village, only someone trained in basic medical practices. he would have to go to sitamarhi town to be given medicine, which would cost too much money for deepak’s mother. this was a problem all too common for children of rural bihar. school quality and attendance throughout sitamarhi district was quite mixed. a government school i visited in amritpur was highly understaffed, lacking proper materials and facilities, and seemed more of a social gathering point for youth. children would sit along the walls with other classmates drawing, talking, and laughing while the teachers and administrators sat near the entrance splitting their time between socializing and supervising. when we arrived, the teachers began to complain of uneven wage scales and low salaries, providing this as a link for chaos at the school. however, another school we visited in baksampur, which was run entirely by women, had sufficient materials, was properly staffed, and seemed to be extremely beneficial for the students. in both cases, there were noticeably tensions between attending school and working at home. especially for older children, many would work in the mornings, helping to transplant rice, and then check into school for the second half of the day. in some cases, children would stop attending school entirely in order to help at home, such as with the case of a lower caste girl in baksampur, hoja.6 pressure to earn began to outweigh the importance of schooling as the children grew older, leading to the abandonment of education in order to help the family. the livelihoods of bihari youth were rapidly transforming, surrounded by new “modern” pursuits and desires within a rural structure and community. lunch at an amritpur government school lunch photo credit: khushboo jain tracking agricultural transformations bihar’s agricultural history is extremely complex, wrapped among transforming government policy, development, and increasing mechanization of the agrarian system. prior to the green revolution taking hold in bihari agriculture, there was a structure of landholding: the zamindar system, established under the british raj. the system’s abolishment, however, is what i wish to focus on, in terms of the uneven effects it had on rural villages, landholdings, and landlessness. the zamindari was a system of landholding that consolidated fields in the hands of powerful village elites. for bihar, this meant most of the land fell in the hands of upper caste hindus (chaudhry, 1988). peasants were then typically tied to the land, working for the grain they produced, while remaining landless themselves. in the late 19th century, however, bihar began to feel the effects of commercialism, beginning a process of out-migration from both the zamindar and lower class populations. in the chapra region at the beginning of this century, upper castes had to resort to occupations other than agriculture. rajputs, an upper caste group, went out for ‘service’ along with lower class individuals, becoming “peons and durwans in estates of larger zamindars” (de haan 2002:120). out-migration existed in high numbers during the zamindari system for both landowners and lower caste laborers, yet the economic gaps between landowners and lower class, as well as the frequency of migration seemed to increase after the foundation of india and the subsequent abolishment of the colonial landholding system.lish to hindi
by daniel a. rosenblum 2013, vol. 5 no. 10 | pg. 2/4 | « » cite references print 5 before the streets: livelihoods in rural bihar the children of rural bihar are connected with the rest of india unlike any other time in history. in the district town of sitamarhi, a place that sits some twenty miles from the nepal border, the skyline is littered with cell phone towers. on the streets below, walkways are filled with mud, trash, and cow dung. passersby trough through the mess to buy flee-bitten mitahi (sweets) and the sweltering fruits at nearby stands. for the children of sitamarhi, they live in this contrast—the severe juxtaposition of “modernity”3 and urbanization with the dilapidated infrastructure surrounding them. the villages within five miles of the district town scarcely receive electricity, prompting me to wonder how anyone with a cell phone was able to recharge their phones.4 the villages i spent the majority of my time in, amritpur and baksampur5, gave insight into the livelihoods of children in rural bihar. in amritpur, every corner and passageway of the village had more and more children. at times, it would seem the ratio of children to adults was ten to one. many of these children had prominent signs of malnutrition: kwashiorkor, stunned growth, and slowly healing infections (bhutta, black, cousens, & ahmed, 2008; som, pal, & bharati, 2007). one boy of about twelve, deepak, had a nasty infection on his lower leg that continued to worsen over the week i visited. however, there was no formal doctor in the village, only someone trained in basic medical practices. he would have to go to sitamarhi town to be given medicine, which would cost too much money for deepak’s mother. this was a problem all too common for children of rural bihar. school quality and attendance throughout sitamarhi district was quite mixed. a government school i visited in amritpur was highly understaffed, lacking proper materials and facilities, and seemed more of a social gathering point for youth. children would sit along the walls with other classmates drawing, talking, and laughing while the teachers and administrators sat near the entrance splitting their time between socializing and supervising. when we arrived, the teachers began to complain of uneven wage scales and low salaries, providing this as a link for chaos at the school. however, another school we visited in baksampur, which was run entirely by women, had sufficient materials, was properly staffed, and seemed to be extremely beneficial for the students. in both cases, there were noticeably tensions between attending school and working at home. especially for older children, many would work in the mornings, helping to transplant rice, and then check into school for the second half of the day. in some cases, children would stop attending school entirely in order to help at home, such as with the case of a lower caste girl in baksampur, hoja.6 pressure to earn began to outweigh the importance of schooling as the children grew older, leading to the abandonment of education in order to help the family. the livelihoods of bihari youth were rapidly transforming, surrounded by new “modern” pursuits and desires within a rural structure and community. lunch at an amritpur government school lunch photo credit: khushboo jain tracking agricultural transformations bihar’s agricultural history is extremely complex, wrapped among transforming government policy, development, and increasing mechanization of the agrarian system. prior to the green revolution taking hold in bihari agriculture, there was a structure of landholding: the zamindar system, established under the british raj. the system’s abolishment, however, is what i wish to focus on, in terms of the uneven effects it had on rural villages, landholdings, and landlessness. the zamindari was a system of landholding that consolidated fields in the hands of powerful village elites. for bihar, this meant most of the land fell in the hands of upper caste hindus (chaudhry, 1988). peasants were then typically tied to the land, working for the grain they produced, while remaining landless themselves. in the late 19th century, however, bihar began to feel the effects of commercialism, beginning a process of out-migration from both the zamindar and lower class populations. in the chapra region at the beginning of this century, upper castes had to resort to occupations other than agriculture. rajputs, an upper caste group, went out for ‘service’ along with lower class individuals, becoming “peons and durwans in estates of larger zamindars” (de haan 2002:120). out-migration existed in high numbers during the zamindari system for both landowners and lower caste laborers, yet the economic gaps between landowners and lower class, as well as the frequency of migration seemed to increase after the foundation of india and the subsequent abolishment of the colonial landholding system.